Thank you, Mr. Chair. I'd be pleased to answer Mr. Harris' question. With respect to the MPCC, I'm more than happy to discuss the subject matter.
Referencing December 6, 2006, I was in fact the Minister of Foreign Affairs at that time, but specifically related to the question of documents, Mr. Harris has in his possession, as others have, documents that have been turned over by the government for the purposes of the other committee and the purposes for which they can be used here as well.
I come back to the point, Mr. Chair and colleagues, that the decisions around redaction--or editing, if you will, because I think a lot of people are perhaps not familiar with the word “redaction”--are not taken by politicians or ministers. Those decisions are taken at an arm's-length level by trained officials with national security clearance, aided by the Attorney General's special department on national security. That is to say that decisions are taken around what information can be made public for the purposes of a parliamentary committee or otherwise, based on national security concerns, to protect individuals, agencies, and countries who have in some instances given us information and, perhaps most importantly, to protect Canadian citizens--soldiers and civilians--who are working in missions like Afghanistan, where they could be put in harm's way. Their lives could literally be at risk if certain information is made public for a nefarious purpose. The Taliban or otherwise, those who would do us harm, having access to that information could endanger their lives, so an arm's-length decision is made with respect to that disclosure.
Coming back to the point of commentary that may have been deemed offensive by my colleague and other references to this, the public commentary that references war crimes or being complicit in cover-ups or being complicit in some sort of torture without proof is offensive to everyone. I heard General Gauthier and others take great offence, great umbrage. These are men with 30-plus years of military service having their careers tarnished, tainted by references to inappropriate, even criminal activity. Surely they would be offended by that, particularly when it's unfounded or without evidence.
Let's talk about facts. Let's come back to evidence. Let's come back to issues that can be proved, issues that can be backed up.
We've heard testimony now before the other committee, Mr. Chair, if you will permit me, from three respected generals in charge of the Afghan mission at the time in question. We've now heard testimony from three high-ranking public servants also tasked at that time with respect to the Afghan mission, none of whom in their testimony referenced being in possession of or being aware of specific torture allegations when it came to Canadian-transferred prisoners or detainees.
So based on that, how would anyone at this committee or anywhere else, knowing full well that we take our advice and see the mission through the lens, through the filter of those individuals...? If they didn't see torture or pass on allegations of torture, how would government officials come to any other conclusion? That's how I would respond to the question.
Thank you, Mr. Chair.