Thank you very much, Mr. Chair. It's nice to be back at the national defence committee.
As the chair said, I'm Jody Thomas, the national security and intelligence adviser to the Prime Minister. In this role, I provide advice and information to the Prime Minister on issues related to foreign affairs, defence, security and intelligence. This includes situational awareness and advice on a range of strategic and operational issues.
I work with officials across government to coordinate and advance a diverse range of activities related to these topics. Many of the files I deal with touch on the Arctic and decisions related to a dynamic region that can have serious domestic and foreign policy implications.
I would like to thank the committee for the opportunity to contribute to this important study on Arctic security, which comes at a critical time.
As you're all aware, the Arctic comprises more than 40% of Canada's territory and over 75% of its national coastlines. It is a complex and challenging environment, with a harsh climate, sparse population, limited physical and digital infrastructure and high operating costs. The Arctic is fundamental to Canada's identity and its sovereignty.
It is also an area of high interest for allies and adversaries. Rapid and enduring climate change is making the region more accessible for navigation. New commercial and military technologies are connecting the North to the rest of the world and eroding the region's historical isolation from geopolitical affairs. This, of course, has far-reaching implications for the future of the Arctic.
Russia's invasion of Ukraine halted nearly all western co-operation with the largest Arctic state. This has complicated the important work of the Arctic Council, which is currently under Russian chairmanship until spring 2023, when it will pass to Norway. With the pending accession of Finland and Sweden, seven of eight Arctic states will be NATO allies.
Canada and like-minded Arctic states continue to promote a low-tension vision for the region, but this vision is increasingly complicated by current geopolitical frictions, strategic competition and an evergrowing number of states, both friendly and adversarial, seeking access and influence. While Canada continues to see no immediate threat of military attack to the Canadian Arctic, the Arctic region is generally seen by Canada and its allies as a theatre of competition and potential instability, if it is not closely managed by Canada and like-minded Arctic states.
The rapidly evolving strategic context underscores the importance of effective safety and security frameworks, strong alliances and credible deterrence. Climate change remains the most prominent and visible threat to the Arctic and all its inhabitants, with warming recorded at four times the global average. This is leading to melting ice, rapid coastal erosion, increased precipitation, permafrost degradation, crumbling infrastructure and invasive species migration. Environmental changes are profoundly impacting the health and well-being of northerners, traditional ways of life and northern infrastructure, including critical defence installations.
Adversarial states are increasingly active in the region. They are building Arctic-capable military equipment with the goal of seeking to secure control over strategic assets and resources. They are also looking to make economic investments, which could be leveraged for coercive effect.
The Arctic remains a strategically important region for continental defence, as the north continues to present a potential avenue of access or attack. Rapid technological changes—including in cruise missile and hypersonic technology—and the rise of competition in new domains, such as space, emerging technologies and cyber, are impacting the way states pursue their interests. These changes also enhance their ability to project military force in the Arctic and hold North America at risk.
As maritime navigation continues to increase over the coming years and decades, Canada must prepare to meet growing demands on national capabilities and infrastructure. These include supporting civilian authorities in response to domestic emergencies; ensuring safety of navigation, including port infrastructure; maintaining all-domain awareness of the Arctic environment; enforcing Canadian laws and regulations throughout the region; and being prepared to respond to more frequent search and rescue operations.
Given the current attacks on the international, rules-based order by some nations, Canada and like-minded Arctic states will need to work closely together to ensure Arctic tensions are responsibly managed. Circumpolar collaboration and co-operation among the Arctic states will be essential to achieving such partnerships. Canada's approach will continue to emphasize the need to minimize and manage tensions in the Arctic by, first and foremost, working closely, collectively, and bilaterally with like-minded Arctic partners.
The U.S. remains Canada's premier Arctic partner. This strong relationship, underscored by NORAD, will continue to stand as vital to the defence of the North American Arctic. Canada's Arctic and Northern policy framework also aligns well with the U.S. approach to the region.
As the second-largest Arctic state, Canada is looked upon to be a leader in Arctic issues. It is critical that Canada continue to prepare for increased international activity in the region to defend Arctic sovereignty and to ensure the safety and security of Canadian Arctic inhabitants. This is key to ensuring our sovereignty and our continued ability to meet our commitments for the defence of the continent.
Strengthening Canada's defence and security posture in the Arctic will also ensure Canada is recognized by the United States and other allies as assuming its security and defence responsibilities, an important part of our strategic credibility.
Thank you, Mr. Chair. I look forward to answering questions.
