Thank you, Mr. Chair.
I would also like to thank the vice-chairs and members of the committee for inviting me to appear before the committee to discuss the draft regulations relating to part VII the Official Languages Act.
My remarks will echo many of the thoughts and briefs you have already heard from stakeholders since you began your work on this issue. The consensus is fairly unanimous: It is imperative to go back to the drawing board to ensure that the regulations not only set out processes. They must also set out objectives and the means for evaluating the achievement of these objectives, in terms of the vitality of communities and progress towards true equality for both official languages.
In their current state, the draft regulations will not prevent us from finding ourselves, in a few years' time, facing a Gascon 2.0 ruling. I probably don't need to remind you that the Federal Court ruled in this 2018 decision that the language of part VII did not impose any obligations as to results or concrete measures to advance substantive equality between the official languages.
This ruling was one of the main reasons that brought the need to modernize the Official Languages Act to the forefront of the political agenda. Much of the work done since 2018, particularly within your own committee, has been aimed at ensuring that the new version of the act would address this shortcoming.
Here are a few proposals aimed at revising the draft regulations to ensure that the implementation of the new version of part VII effectively meets the intent of lawmakers by setting out clear obligations for the federal government.
First, the regulations should spell out more precisely how and under what circumstances federal institutions are to determine the objectives of the policies implemented, which must be clear and measurable. In addition, they must take into account the priorities of communities.
They must also require federal institutions to be accountable for the measures they do or do not adopt, particularly following dialogues and consultations with stakeholders in circumstances where federal institutions may reject community priorities.
These first two proposals relate specifically to subsections 41(9) and 41(9.1) of the act and stem from the observation that sections 5 and 6 of the draft regulations lack precision with regard to the obligations of federal institutions in the dialogue and consultation processes.
There have been a lot of suggestions put forward to define what constitutes effective consultation. We can come back to that if you like.
The regulations must ensure that impact indicators are based on evidence-based findings and that the data accessible to the public, particularly the research community, is used to assess progress towards achieving the objectives through the positive measures implemented, and to impose a review of these measures if they do not meet the objectives set.
Subsections 41(8) and 41(9) of the bill read as follows:
(8) The analyses […] shall be founded, to the extent possible, on the results of dialogue and consultation activities, on research and on evidence-based findings. (9) […] permit the priorities of the English and French linguistic minority communities and other stakeholders to be taken into account…
However, nothing in the regulations defines or regulates the production or dissemination of such findings.
Given that the new version of part VII now explicitly names in subparagraph 41(6)(c)(v) sectors of application of positive measures that fall within provincial or shared jurisdiction as “sectors that are essential to enhancing the vitality of […] minority communities” and refers to the need to “protect and promote the presence of strong institutions serving those communities”, the regulations must be much more explicit with regard to the federal government's obligations towards minorities in each province and territory. This applies to consultation, consideration of priorities and the role that communities and their institutions play in implementing federal-provincial-territorial agreements on official languages.
Moreover, the Federal Court's decision last December in the case of Conseil scolaire francophone provincial de Terre-Neuve-et-Labrador v. Canadian Heritage lends weight to this argument by finding Canadian Heritage guilty of failing to fulfill its obligations to consult with the community under the previous version of the Official Languages Act. However, both the intention of the legislator and the new text of the act itself clearly demonstrate a desire to strengthen these obligations. The regulations should also dictate to the federal government its course of action in circumstances where a province or territory refuses to co-operate in any of the sectors essential to enhancing the vitality of minorities.
Finally, again with regard to subparagraph 41(6)(c)(v), the regulations should set out the criteria that will be considered to define what the act means by “strong institutions”. Here, before I'm told that regulations cannot provide a definition that was not present in the act, I'd like to point out that the official languages (communications with and services to the public) regulations, or the part IV regulations, provide an example of such a practice. In part I of those regulations—