Yes, and I'll just insert this in an anecdotal way about our office in Hamilton Centre. We have the third-lowest household income in the country, and we were unclear and I was unclear in terms of how these programs rolled out. You'll recall they rolled out in multiple iterations. First it was $900 with this kind of patchwork EI program, and then it was shifted again and then again, and we finally got to around $2,000 a month, which we thought would allow folks to batten down the hatches and survive.
By way of commentary, I also want to recognize that the previous speaker, Ms. Dancho, was really adamant on pursuing the $500 million. I just want to state that from my calculations, that amount represents about 1% of all payments through CERB. I'm very much looking forward, for the fiscal conservatives who are out there and watching, to taking a look at the wage subsidies.
I'll give you an example. Imperial Oil claimed $120 million in wage subsidies and issued $320 million in dividends. That to me is a kleptocracy. The folks who are at home just trying to get by, whether or not they're employed, are a completely different subset of social conditions and questions.
I want to shift to the way in which some of these decisions were made. The OAG found that Finance Canada had analyzed the impact of the proposed changes to the Canadian emergency response benefit on the labour supply and the incentive to return to work. What impact did the benefit have on our labour supply? For example, if the benefit had been half the amount, how would that have affected the labour supply or the unemployment rate, in your opinion?
This is to the Department of Finance, which I'm sure did the analysis on the impact.