House of Commons Hansard #264 of the 35th Parliament, 1st Session. (The original version is on Parliament's site.) The word of the day was institution.

Topics

Fur IndustryOral Question Period

11:55 a.m.

Ottawa Centre Ontario

Liberal

Mac Harb LiberalParliamentary Secretary to Minister for International Trade

Mr. Speaker, we are quite concerned about this issue. Thousands and thousands of people depend on trapping for their survival.

I take this opportunity to congratulate Canada's aboriginal community which worked extremely hard with our government, as well as with governments in Europe, to ensure that our position is well known to Europeans and others abroad.

I assure the member that whatever we do on this issue is going to be in the best interests of the aboriginal people and the best interests of the Canadian industry.

Child CareOral Question Period

11:55 a.m.

NDP

Audrey McLaughlin NDP Yukon, YT

Mr. Speaker, in 1993 the Liberal Party promised to expand child care in Canada by 50,000 spaces each year that follows a growth of 3 per cent. Last year real growth was just over 4 per cent and still the government has not lived up to its commitment. It has broken its promise to Canadian families.

The parliamentary secretary responded to an earlier question that the government is working on this matter. I therefore ask the Deputy Prime Minister, exactly how many child care spaces-and I presume it will be at least 50,000-will the government create this year to maintain its promise?

Child CareOral Question Period

11:55 a.m.

York North Ontario

Liberal

Maurizio Bevilacqua LiberalParliamentary Secretary to Minister of Human Resources Development

Mr. Speaker, I thought I answered that question earlier on. I will take the opportunity to outline other measures the federal government has taken to not only address child care, but to also address the issue of child poverty.

Campaign 2000 recently released a report card which did not take into account some very positive news which occurred last year. Last year for the very first time in a long time, the average family income increased by almost 2 per cent. This speaks to the fact that the jobs and economic growth agenda the Liberal government has introduced over the past year is not only creating jobs, but is helping the issue of child care and child poverty.

Child CareOral Question Period

Noon

NDP

Audrey McLaughlin NDP Yukon, YT

Mr. Speaker, my supplementary question for the Deputy Prime Minister will be very brief.

Exactly how many child care spaces will be created by the federal government this year in keeping with its promise?

Child CareOral Question Period

Noon

York North Ontario

Liberal

Maurizio Bevilacqua LiberalParliamentary Secretary to Minister of Human Resources Development

Mr. Speaker, in the same way that we have honoured our job creation program, that we have lowered unemployment, that we have increased exports, that we have increased the gross domestic product, we will continue to honour all the commitments made in the red book.

Canada Pension PlanOral Question Period

November 24th, 1995 / noon

Liberal

John Richardson Liberal Perth—Wellington—Waterloo, ON

Mr. Speaker, I have a two-part question for the Minister of Finance.

We have heard more and more concerns about the Canada pension plan. Last week a leading actuary maintained that we are unable to pay even the pensions of those already retired.

Can the minister tell the House if the Canada pension plan is in danger and what he intends to do about it? The second part of my question is what does he think of the Reform plan?

Canada Pension PlanOral Question Period

Noon

LaSalle—Émard Québec

Liberal

Paul Martin LiberalMinister of Finance and Minister responsible for the Federal Office of Regional Development-Quebec

Mr. Speaker, the chief actuary did indeed raise a number of very important concerns relative to the Canada pension plan. The departmental officials from the federal government and from all the provincial governments, because this is a joint responsibility, are indeed meeting to address those plans.

The Canada pension plan is not in danger, but it does require modification, it does require change. We will bring those changes in to ensure that the Canada pension plan is there for young Canadians when their time comes to retire.

The fundamental flaw in the Reform plan is that while there are interesting things in the margin, it makes sure that the rich are richer in retirement and the poor are poorer in retirement. This government will never accept that.

Government Response To PetitionsRoutine Proceedings

Noon

Kingston and the Islands Ontario

Liberal

Peter Milliken LiberalParliamentary Secretary to Leader of the Government in the House of Commons

Mr. Speaker, pursuant to Standing Order 36(8), I have the honour to table, in both official languages, the government's response to four petitions.

Committees Of The HouseRoutine Proceedings

Noon

Liberal

Andy Mitchell Liberal Parry Sound—Muskoka, ON

Mr. Speaker, I have the honour to present the tenth report of the Standing Committee on Industry, on Bill C-99, an act to amend the Small Business Loans Act, with amendments.

Committees Of The HouseRoutine Proceedings

Noon

Kingston and the Islands Ontario

Liberal

Peter Milliken LiberalParliamentary Secretary to Leader of the Government in the House of Commons

Mr. Speaker, I have the honour to present the 102nd report of the Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs regarding the membership and associate membership of some standing committees.

With leave of the House, I intend to move for concurrence in this report later this day.

Bankruptcy And Insolvency ActRoutine Proceedings

12:05 p.m.

Ottawa South Ontario

Liberal

John Manley LiberalMinister of Industry

moved for leave to introduce Bill C-109, an act to amend the Bankruptcy and Insolvency Act, the Companies' Creditors Arrangement Act, and the Income Tax Act.

(Motions deemed adopted, bill read the first time and printed.)

Criminal CodeRoutine Proceedings

12:05 p.m.

Reform

Dick Harris Reform Prince George—Bulkley Valley, BC

moved for leave to introduce Bill C-358, an act to amend the Criminal Code (consecutive sentences).

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to rise today to introduce my private member's bill. The bill would see consecutive sentences imposed upon those convicted of multiple violent crimes against a person. I believe such an amendment should be supported by all MPs. I know the changes would be welcomed by the millions of Canadians who have lost faith in the operation of our justice system.

(Motions deemed adopted, bill read the first time and printed.)

Committees Of The HouseRoutine Proceedings

12:05 p.m.

Kingston and the Islands Ontario

Liberal

Peter Milliken LiberalParliamentary Secretary to Leader of the Government in the House of Commons

Mr. Speaker, I think you will find unanimous consent for the following motion.

I move:

That the 102nd report of the Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs presented to the House earlier this day be concurred in.

(Motion agreed to.)

PetitionsRoutine Proceedings

12:05 p.m.

Reform

Val Meredith Reform Surrey—White Rock—South Langley, BC

Mr. Speaker, in response to the outcry of Canadians for this government to take a more serious stand on dangerous offender legislation, I am adding 1,770 names of Canadians who are asking Parliament to enact legislation against serious personal injury crimes being committed by high risk offenders by permitting the use of post-sentence detention orders and specifically by passing Bill C-240.

Questions On The Order PaperRoutine Proceedings

12:05 p.m.

Kingston and the Islands Ontario

Liberal

Peter Milliken LiberalParliamentary Secretary to Leader of the Government in the House of Commons

Mr. Speaker, I move that all questions stand.

Questions On The Order PaperRoutine Proceedings

12:05 p.m.

The Acting Speaker (Mr. Kilger)

Is it agreed?

Questions On The Order PaperRoutine Proceedings

12:05 p.m.

Some hon. members

Agreed.

The House resumed consideration of the motion that Bill C-100, an act to amend, enact, and repeal certain laws relating to financial institutions, be read the second time and referred to a committee.

Bank ActGovernment Orders

12:05 p.m.

Reform

Jim Abbott Reform Kootenay East, BC

Mr. Speaker, I know that with the wonderful words of wisdom I was expressing to the House prior to question period, the Speaker will recall that I was speaking about the fact that the Liberals and Tories all seem to enjoy the process of interfering in normal natural processes within a marketplace. The proposed bill is a classic example of exactly that.

The Liberals have an opportunity under the Canada Deposit Insurance Corporation Act to make some substantive changes that would continue to protect Canadians while giving Canadians a responsibility for their own lives, their own affairs.

It makes me think a lot of an occasion when I was in my constituency in the town of Invermere a few weeks ago. There was a gentleman who was the park warden from Glacier National Park in the United States, which I am sure members will recall is considered to be part of the Peace Park. It is right across the border from Waterton Lakes National Park. They have a wide swath cut from mountaintop down through the valley up to the other side of the mountain approximately 60 feet wide to designate the border.

The superintendent was saying it does not really make any sense for us to have this wide swath out in the middle of the wilderness. Here we are talking about this being a peace park, about how there is this desire on the part of Canadians and Americans to come together in the Peace Park, so why do we have this 60-foot wide swath? He was going to be proposing to the powers that be that this wide swath be permitted to simply regrow. What it would mean is that no longer would there be vegetation-destroying chemicals put into the area. It would save money. Above all, it would make sense.

At that point I put up my hand at the back of the room and he acknowledged me. I told him he had a serious problem: you are proposing to the governments of the United States and Canada something that makes sense and saves money; you do not have a chance of this passing. Unfortunately, in spite of the fact that I said that with tongue in cheek, it is exactly this kind of problem we have with the old line parties, with this government. If it saves money and makes sense we can count on the fact that the Liberals are going to reject it.

What am I referring to specifically? We propose a different way of handling the Canada Deposit Insurance Corporation. We call it, as it is called in the industry, co-insurance. This bill rejects deposit co-insurance.

Since the introduction in 1967 of 100 per cent deposit insurance, that is up to the maximum value, 30 financial institutions have failed, with 20 failures in the last 10 years. This has cost the CDIC about $5 billion as of March 1994.

Before 1967 there were no bank failures. Governments over the years have exhibited a reluctance to institute market based measures of reform such as co-insurance instead of opting for more regulation and oversight.

The use of the market through the implementation of co-insurance and market based criteria as early warning signals would alleviate the problem in the financial system in a less costly yet more effective manner than proposing further regulatory change. Regulatory attempts to mimic the efficient results only achievable by the free market will always be more costly for all parties involved and will rarely, if ever, achieve the same quality of results.

Under the proposed system, depositors are only encouraged to seek out the best rate, regardless of the risk profile of the institution in question, since they know that they will be fully compensated by the CDIC in the event of a failure. This facilitates the entrance, growth and eventual failure of risky and recklessly managed institutions. It also discriminates against healthy, strong, financial sector players who minimize risk by conservative lending and borrowing policies. The act does set the stage for risk based CDIC premiums.

It makes me think a lot, in terms of the government interference the Liberals and Conservatives have always practised, of a Canada Cup hockey game between Team Canada complete with Wayne Gretzky and all the rest of the superstars against Team Jamaica. The government would not set the rules for the game. It would set the rules for the result. It would probably make the Canadian goal the goal line, that is from side to side on the ice, and make the Jamaican goal the size of a shoebox. That way we could know what the results of the game were going to be. That is the attitude that has consistently, without fail, been the approach of both the Liberals and the Conservatives in the way they have governed Canada.

We have to realize that money is a medium of exchange. Money has no morality nor does it have nationality. We must restore balance in the marketplace, which is what this bill is about.

I am referring to making the depositor take some responsibility because what is going on right now is that the solid financial institutions are being basically penalized. The people investing in those solid financial institutions are being penalized by people who know they can invest up to the limit covered by CDIC and bear no risk as long as those deposits are guaranteed by CDIC.

The 100 per cent coverage creates a situation parallel to the situation I described with regard to regional development grants, in that it shifts the responsibility away from the depositor and on to the backs of (a) the larger, more responsible financial institutions that have a long track record and (b) ultimately the taxpayer.

Let us get government interference in the marketplace under control. Maybe that is too much to expect from the Liberals. We can only hope. But above all, I ask the members of the government side to consider this. Canada has to be prepared to compete in the real world. This issue of the Canada Deposit Insurance Corporation is just one small indicator of the kind of government interference that is distorting an orderly marketplace. It is reflective of the real world and of that marketplace. As long as we continue to shift responsibility ultimately from the people in that marketplace, we are not doing anything to create any health, vibrancy or cleansing within the marketplace.

It is for that reason, the fact that the government refuses to consider the prospect of co-insurance, that we will be voting against this bill.

Bank ActGovernment Orders

12:15 p.m.

Liberal

John Murphy Liberal Annapolis Valley—Hants, NS

Mr. Speaker, it is a pleasure to participate in the debate today on Bill C-100. I am pleased to have the opportunity to express my support for this legislation which will enhance the safety and soundness of the Canadian financial system.

I would like to focus on the issue of early intervention when an institution is experiencing financial difficulties. It is an area where Bill C-100 establishes a dramatic shift or enhancement in the philosophy of financial institution regulation. It is a reform that I believe all consumers should applaud.

As the hon. secretary of state pointed out earlier, the logical underpinning for early intervention in problem situations begins with the principle that ownership of a financial institution is a privilege, not a right. This reflects the absolute vital role in terms of economics and public confidence that such institutions play in an open market economy.

The legislation before us takes this principle to a natural and essential conclusion. It recognizes that when a financial institution is experiencing difficulty, the owners do not have the right to continue business until the bitter end. In other words, the obligations of management include a duty to depositors, policyholders, creditors, as well as shareholders. This means that an institution's owners do not have a natural authority to carry on in the hope of some miraculous turnaround, until capital is depleted or they cannot pay liabilities as they come due.

Bill C-100 translates this view into concrete measures. It makes clear that if early intervention in and resolution of institutions experiencing difficulty need to occur it can occur. This is specifically recognized in a new mandate for the Office of the Superintendent of Financial Institutions. This mandate is given bottom line reality to changes in the statutes to permit this institution to obtain a winding-up order for problem firms earlier than this is warranted.

I should point out that this new mandate represents an important clarification of the mission statement of OSFI. Prior to Bill C-100, this institution was guided very informally by the objectives to maintain public confidence in the Canadian financial system.

However the bill provides the regulator with a detailed, legislative mandate which recognizes OSFI should contribute to public confidence. It will do so by recognizing the interests of depositors, policyholders and creditors of Canadian financial institutions.

Prescribing such a mandate more formally in legislation is an important step. This will give the regulator greater accountability for its actions. It also lets institutions and other stakeholders know that the regulator will deal with them in an expeditious manner should problems arise.

Greater transparency with respect to the role of the regulator provides all financial institutions, healthy or troubled, with a greater incentive to monitor their affairs more prudently.

I firmly believe the very fact that the early intervention is a clear and concrete part of the OSFI mandate is in itself an incentive for better management.

Bill C-100's mandate for this institution extends beyond simply requiring the regulator to take immediate action with institutions experiencing financial difficulty. OSFI has a broader responsibility to promote the adoption by senior management of financial institutions of sound policies and procedures to control their risks. After all, financial institutions must bear a greater responsibility to their stakeholders for managing their exposure to risk adequately. This is consistent with the principle that ownership of financial institutions is a privilege and not a right.

Supervisory systems must be designed in such a way to create an incentive for corrective action by financial institutions themselves to set right and salvage firms where possible.

However, earlier resolution alone cannot ensure that a troubled financial institution will not fail. In an open market environment, especially in today's increasingly competitive global arena, firms may fail. Therefore it is extremely important, when closure of a financial institution is imminent, the supervisory system be prepared to shut down an institution in a manner that protects the interests of all stakeholders.

In this regard, Bill C-100 provides the regulator with sufficient scope to close down a troubled institution before the value of the firm has been fully depleted.

The legislation includes amendments to the winding-up and restructuring act which provides OSFI with additional grounds for obtaining a wind-up order for a financial institution. The act is also being amended to provide more flexibility to restructure, under court supervision, the affairs of insurance companies in liquidation. This should provide protection for stakeholders if closing down is required. The liquidator will have greater scope to enhance value within the estate and improve recovery on assets deposed of by the liquidator to the benefit of all policyholders.

Again, the interests of financial consumers stand to be recognized under Bill C-100 revised closure policy. I believe this legislation acts on the aspects of good regulation and good management, fairness and openness.

In other words, there is a fundamental need for transparency of the supervisory system. If we are to encourage the most positive attitudes and behaviour within institutions, it is essential that they understand the steps that the authorities can take if the financial situation deteriorates. We must be prepared to deal with situations where firms make mistakes and face difficulty.

We must have a more transparent system in place so that messages to the company management are clear. That is why the secretary of state is proposing a guide to intervention that clarifies the actions that can be expected, a guide that clarifies the role of OSFI and the CDIC, the Canadian Deposit Insurance Corporation.

This guide sets out four stages of intervention. Each stage makes clear to institutions what type of regulatory action will be taken. It includes a number of fairly technical supervisory measures that may be measured and used by OSFI in recognizing the interests of stakeholders.

It also spells out actions by CDIC in fulfilling its legislated objectives to control risk to the deposit insurance fund and minimize its exposure to loss.

These regulatory actions range from the initial stage one situation, where the regulator takes a number of small steps when the institution is experiencing difficulty. At this stage, OSFI could require the external auditor to expand its work. If the company continues to decline, there are two other stages of more direct action that can be taken by the regulator, where a more hands-on approach is taken. By stage four, firm action is required because insolvency is imminent.

The institution approaching this stage will have warning that unless it improves its situation it will be shut down. Bill C-100 provides that in such a scenario, OSFI could seek a winding-up order while the institution still has positive capital.

This is clearly to the benefit of the depositors, the policyholders, the creditors and other stakeholders. It is consistent with the institution's mandate.

The legislation before us is largely technical in content. It does not have the drama of some other high profile issues, but this should not obscure its vital importance, nor its real benefits to our economy and to the security of millions of Canadians.

Consumers have come to expect that regulatory authorities take prompt action to deal with the problem of financial institutions. A sound, dynamic financial system is important to all Canadian consumers and an essential component to economic strength, the strength that ultimately, as we know, produces jobs.

The legislation enhances the soundness that Canadians expect from their financial system. A sound, dynamic financial system is a fundamental foundation for personal financial security and public confidence. The legislation before us will ensure that such confidence is fully justified.

I urge all hon. members to approve this legislation. It is in the interest of all our constituents and our nation as a whole.

Bank ActGovernment Orders

12:30 p.m.

Bloc

André Caron Bloc Jonquière, QC

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased to rise in this House as a member of the Bloc Quebecois to address Bill C-100, an act to amend, enact and repeal certain laws relating to financial institutions.

I listened closely to the previous speakers' speeches, especially that of the parliamentary secretary to the Minister of Finance, who explained a number of guidelines followed by the government in the drafting of this bill.

First of all, he told us that the purpose of the government was to regulate in the best possible way certain aspects of the financial system in Canada, certain financial institutions, so that Canadians who put their trust in these financial institutions and deposit money in them will not have their trust betrayed because of a shortcoming in the regulations or abuses from the financial institutions themselves.

Seen from this angle, any Canadian or Quebecer would think that the federal government is fully justified in introducing the bill now before us.

The parliamentary secretary also mentioned global issues, changes in the global financial system, new technologies, the diversification of financial needs, competitiveness, everything that makes up globalization. He told us Canada must act to make sure that our financial system will react adequately if financial institutions have problems that could put at risk the money deposited by Canadians and Quebecers.

Seen from this angle, one would think that all is well, that the government must indeed take action. Later on, I listened to the official opposition financial critic, my colleague from Saint-Hyacinthe-Bagot, who stressed other aspects of the issue. He said that, yes, the government was justified in taking some measures but that, while doing so, it must respect the provinces' jurisdictions. I would say that the hon. member clearly underlined different aspects of the bill which infringe upon the jurisdiction of provinces such as Quebec.

During his speech, I was looking at government members and thinking that they were elected to the House of Commons to represent their constituents. In a sense, they are forced to listen to arguments which tend to become repetitive, because, no matter what bill is being debated in the House, the official opposition will criticize it in terms of federal and provincial jurisdictions. Of course, it can be tiring for hon. members, who are elected to represent their constituents honestly, to see all their bills come under attack from a particular angle by Bloc members.

I understand that, but they must also recognize the position of a member from Quebec. I was reading a letter sent by Mr. Johnson, the former Quebec premier, to a federal minister concerning the bill, in which he was generally using the arguments presented by the hon. member for Saint-Hyacinthe-Bagot. In other words, he was arguing that Quebec's jurisdiction should be respected. So it is not just a sovereignist member's point of view that has been put forward, but the point of view of a member from Quebec who wants to represent his constituents well, as is proper under the constitutional traditions of Quebec.

Once again, at the risk of displeasing some colleagues, I will tell you why a piece of legislation like this one, which at first glance appears fully appropriate and normal under the circumstances, is questionable.

It is questionable, first of all, from the standpoint of the Constitution. It is all very clear in the Canadian Constitution that private property and the Civil Code are under the Quebec government's jurisdiction. It is clear and it is there for all to read. This means that any laws or moves the federal government makes to regulate to some extent private property or items covered by the Civil Code are, in and of themselves, unconstitutional. It is with some hesitation that I use the word "unconstitutional" because it is a fairly strong word, but the fact remains that those laws or moves are intrusions by the federal government into another level of government's jurisdiction.

The Quebec government is not alone in saying this, as we saw last summer, when the chairman of the Ontario Securities Commission made the same argument, saying that the draft legislation put forward at the time-it was being considered by the committee-flew in the face of provincial jurisdiction over securities regulation.

Of course, when the representative of the Ontario Securities Commission showed up before the committee which was examining this bill last summer, he had changed his mind and said: "Look, maybe it is important that the federal government legislates in this area". At that time, we were about to embark upon a referendum campaign and the people of Canada who sincerely believed that Canada should not be divided and should remain united after a referendum were sticking together. That is why he changed his tune a little bit.

But you have to understand that, at the outset, he had examined his powers and the provincial jurisdiction and had noticed that this bill would infringe upon this area of provincial jurisdiction.

This all goes to explain why this is the first concern of hon. members from Quebec-and I am not only talking about sovereignist members of Parliament-when they examine a bill. Of course it may not cross the mind of the members from the Yukon, from British-Columbia or from Ontario when they examine a federal bill. But it is a reflex that we, the politicians of Quebec, have developed over many decades. We have done so since Confederation, under the governments of Duplessis, Lesage, Lévesque, and the Johnsons, both father and sons. The elected representatives of the people of Quebec have always been especial-

ly careful to remind the federal government that it must respect the various areas of jurisdiction.

Again today, the elected representatives of the people of Quebec, as the official opposition, want to remind everyone of this basic rule of the Canadian federal system, which is the existence of various levels of government, with different areas of jurisdiction under the Constitution that ought to be respected.

On the very face of it, this bill does not respect the Quebec government's power to exercize jurisdiction over securities, because securities are private property. If private property and the Civil Code come under provincial jurisdiction, then securities also fall under provincial jurisdiction.

What is the purpose of Bill C-100? It grants the Bank of Canada jurisdiction over securities clearing houses, which, as I amply demonstrated-I believe-at the beginning of my speech, are already regulated by the provinces. The bill gives the federal government powers which go beyond its jurisdiction under the Canadian Constitution.

It even goes as far as giving a power to issue directives to clearing houses and their participants. Therefore, for a Quebec representative, this is not right, this is unacceptable. That is why we are condemning it.

The second aspect mentioned by my colleague had to do with the whole issue of so-called systemic effects. This referes to a situation where a financial institution that is in difficulty because it is unable to meet certain obligations would endanger another institution, creating a kind of domino effect where a weaker financial institution can doom other financial institutions perhaps better administered or more prosperous. A schedule was added to this bill for the purpose of controlling this phenomenon.

It is clear that, in the context of globalization, governments must closely monitor such phenomena. We read from time to time in the newspapers that the problems of a bank in Hong Kong can affect another bank in England, which happens to have interests in Canada. This situation can in turn create problems for that bank's branches and institutions in Canada and in Quebec. I understand that those things have to be regulated.

But under the pretext of having to regulate such situations, Bill C-100 encroaches once more on provincial jurisdictions, in areas which are presently regulated by the Commission des valeurs mobilières du Québec. This agency has opposed passing of the bill in its present form precisely because it saw that the federal government, mainly through the Bank of Canada, was encroaching upon the mandate it received from the Government of Quebec.

Indeed, the schedule of the bill dealing with clearing and winding up empowers the Bank of Canada to issue directives to clearing houses and participant institutions, without regard for the charter of the institution. As we know, some institutions have federal charters. We can understand that the federal government must regulate such institutions, but there are also institutions with provincial charters. Quebec has many. There are ten trust companies, 25 personal insurance companies, 60 damage insurance companies and 1 300 credit unions with a provincial charter in Quebec. That is a lot.

It is a lot and credit unions are a special concern to Quebecers. You are all familiar with the success of the caisses populaires Desjardins in Quebec. They gave Quebecers from humble backgrounds the opportunity to found institutions based on co-op principles, so that there are now 1,300 caisses populaires throughout Quebec. These institutions were built in parishes and villages and really represent a major achievement for Quebecers.

We can see that, through this bill, the federal government is giving itself some powers over these provincially chartered institutions. We are against this.

We are not against the fact that we must protect ourselves against systemic risk that an institution could endanger another at some point. We disagree, however, with the federal government's approach. Instead, the government should have fine-tuned the large value transfer system, as a group of international experts, the Group of Thirty, proposed in 1989. The Governor of the Bank of Canada admitted as much last summer when questioned on the issue of systemic risk in the financial sector.

Of course, by the time he appeared before the finance committee last summer, the Governor of the Bank of Canada had changed his tune, as did the Chairman of the Ontario Securities Commission.

We think that he changed his tune for political reasons. That is not surprising. I can appreciate that, given the situation last summer before the Quebec referendum, those who believe in federalism and want to maintain this system in Canada may have agreed to certain things and qualified their previous proposals or statements so as to avoid embarrassing the federal government.

But the fact remains that, had the proposal to improve the large value transfer system by streamlining it been approved by the federal government, the government would not have felt compelled to give itself powers that I would describe as outrageous over Quebec financial institutions that are well managed.

Not one single financial institution in Quebec has declared bankruptcy in the last ten years. Some insurance companies have merged in the interest of their shareholders and policyholders, but there has not been any bank failure among Quebec credit unions, trust companies or major insurance companies in over ten years.

Of course, there have been problems in Canada. There have been problems in Western Canada and the government had to intervene. It think its probably did what was best for the people of Canada and Quebec at the time, but, just the same, the federal government cannot justify invading one of Quebec's areas of jurisdiction by saying that, over the past ten or twenty years, Quebec has not been taking its responsibilities with respect to regulating the securities industry or financial institutions.

Again, this is seen by members from Quebec as typical of the kind of insensitivity Canada has displayed toward what could be called Quebec's unique view of federalism.

When I spoke in this House yesterday on Bill C-96, establishing the Department of Human Resources Development, I put forward the same arguments. It is all fine and well for the Minister of Human Resources Development to ensure that the moneys spent for communities and individuals in Canada are spent as efficiently as possible. But this is one more intrusion-let us say it as it is, a federal intrusion-in areas of provincial jurisdiction: occupational training, manpower, and so on.

Today, the Bloc Quebecois would like to once more condemn the federal government's approach in regulating financial institutions. Rest assured that, in committee, our members will do their utmost to ensure that these clauses, which obviously are not in keeping with a harmonious federal system, are deleted from the bill.

Bank ActGovernment Orders

12:50 p.m.

Bloc

Roger Pomerleau Bloc Anjou—Rivière-Des-Prairies, QC

Mr. Speaker, first I want to thank the hon. member for Jonquière, who in my estimation made a good analysis which, along with the one made this morning by another Bloc member, clearly illustrates the problems with Bill C-100. There are several problems which affect Quebec but, more importantly, this bill is yet another example of federal interference in an area of exclusive provincial jurisdiction.

The hon. member pointed out that, almost every time a bill is introduced in the House, Bloc Quebecois members rise to condemn the fact that it infringes on an area of provincial jurisdiction. This is a rather recent phenomenon here. Indeed, in the last 15 or 20 years, there have been Quebec MPs in this House who were not Bloc members but who rarely got up to condemn federal interference in areas which come under Quebec's jurisdiction.

This is explained by the fact that, whenever Quebecers were represented here, it was by Conservative or Liberal members who were in a minority position and who had to toe the party line within their caucus. Since their caucus was formed by a majority representing the rest of Canada, they had to defend the interests of Canada before those of Quebec. This applied even when there was an obvious consensus in Quebec, that is when federalists and sovereignists of all political colours were of the same opinion.

The hon. member just mentioned the fact that Daniel Johnson sent a letter to the minister, in which he described precisely our position. Therefore, there is obvious consensus on Bill C-100, among federalists and sovereignists alike in Quebec, with respect to this intentional intrusion on matters of provincial jurisdiction, and I hope that the government will take this into account.

Another obvious example of consensus in Quebec being ignore by the government is the fact that manpower training and everything connected with manpower training should be handed over to Quebec. Every political party and all of the stakeholders in Quebec, be it management or labour, obviously agree on this, yet the federal government is not responding. We in the Bloc Quebecois have every right to defend these positions.

It is a well known fact that movements such as the Parti Quebecois and the Bloc Quebecois were born as a result of the realization that we were a political minority. And when we played the power game, whether within the Conservative Party or the Liberal Party, we remained a minority and, as such, had to defend Canada's interests. This the origin of the emergence of the sovereignist movement in Quebec; we realized that we were caught in an ongoing process of being reduced to a political minority.

My question to my colleague, who has studied several pieces of legislation similar to Bill C-100, is: does he not realize that, for several years now, we have tried to explain to our fellow citizens what being a political minority means, and that, to a certain extent, being a political minority leads to becoming an economic minority, and that, when we deal with Quebecers, we should add this dimension to our debate?

Bank ActGovernment Orders

12:50 p.m.

Bloc

André Caron Bloc Jonquière, QC

Mr. Speaker, I thank the member for Anjou-Rivière-des-Prairies for his question.

It is obvious that politics has an impact on the economy. Indeed, I mentioned at the beginning of my speech that the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Finance had partly justified the introduction of this bill by the government by putting it in the context of some sort of globalization.

He spoke of global issues to justify that the bill is written in such a way as to regulate or influence securities throughout Canada and to insure that Canada has a single voice among other nations with

regard to securities regulation, in order to avoid negative impacts from outside the country.

If we, in Quebec, are not careful, the arguments of globalization, of competitiveness, of the need for the economy to adapt to the global context will be presented every time that the government wants to make Canada stronger, more visible, more efficient and more aggressive at the international level, bacause to be strong, efficient and aggressive, we must speak with one voice.

Faced with this reality, Canada wants to speak with one single voice. However, Canada forgets that there is a major voice in Canada, albeit a minority voice, as my colleague has remarked; there is Quebec's voice, which has represented a nation, a people, since the beginning of the Canadian Confederation. This voice has always made itself heard. Today, considering the globalization of economies and the fact that Quebec feels somewhat threatened by this globalization from the economic viewpoint, and not only from the viewpoint of its culture and its language, the economic argument becomes an important one for nationalists in Quebec.

In the past, we wanted to achieve sovereignty in order to maintain our language and our culture. That is fine, and that is still the most important reason, at least as far as I am concerned. However, in the last ten years or so, we have come to realize that the economic argument is gaining increasing importance. Quebecers realize that they too must speak with one single voice if they want their people, their nation, to continue developing in a global context.

I agree with the representatives of Canadian federalism that, in the global context, we must speak out loud and clear, with a single voice, and that timing is a major consideration. It is also one of the reasons why sovereignists in Quebec have been saying for many years that sovereignty should not be achieved only to preserve our language and our culture, but also to give Quebec the economic health and vitality it needs to maintain its place in the international community.

I thank my colleague for his question. It allows me to demonstrate, although I recognize the merit of our federalist colleagues' arguments from a Canadian viewpoint, that the sovereignists' arguments are also of an economic nature. I hope that some day, in a newly defined partnership with Canada, we will be able to accommodate both sides so that both Canada and Quebec can get what they want economically as well as play a leading role in the world economy.

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12:55 p.m.

Liberal

Jim Peterson Liberal Willowdale, ON

Mr. Speaker, in this debate concerning Bill C-100, once again we see the separatists grabbing at an opportunity to attack a Canadian bill, not because it is a poor one, but simply because it is one that would be good for Canada. In other words, if a bill is good for Canada, they are going to attack it.

What they have told us today is that Bill C-100 is an encroachment into provincial jurisdiction, in other words one more intrusion by the federal government. But that is not true in the least. What is it? This is not a bill aimed at regulating co-operatives in Quebec or elsewhere in Canada. It is a bill that will reaffirm the vital role played by the Bank of Canada in protecting all Canadians and all Canadian institutions against systemic risks that may originate anywhere in the world.

We have witnessed the collapse of Barings Bank, which could have caused many problems in our country. What we are proposing in this bill is to give the Bank of Canada the power to guarantee transactions between financial institutions, either in Canada or elsewhere.

This means that if a Canadian banking institution or even a credit union had received a cheque, say for $100 million drawn on Barings Bank and had deposited that cheque, but Barings Bank had gone bankrupt before the cheque cleared, while in the meantime, counting on the $100 million, the institution had paid some of its debts, that institution would have sustained a heavy loss.

What we need to do from the time a cheque is received by a Canadian institution, is to be sure that it can be counted on. But they do not want this. Why do they not want a system which would entitle all Canadian institutions to certainty when financial transactions are concerned?

The fact that the Bloc members are complaining about an intrusion in their constitutional domain is typical of what they will do with every bill we see in this House that is for the good of all Canadians, including Quebecers. They are going to try to find some way to knock it down so that they can say that Canada does not work. Their agenda is not the better working of Canada, it is the destruction of this very country. Canadians are not going to be fooled; Quebecers are not going to be fooled.

Let us get down to some of the essences of Bill C-100. Part of the genesis of it was the failure of Confederation Life which shook all Canadians. We had not expected it; a great financial institution went down.

The insurance industry put in place an institution called CompCorp where it contributes funds to protect the policyholders when there is a failure of an insurance institution. The government was concerned that perhaps there was not enough federal regulation in terms of CompCorp, that maybe some of the interests which we needed to have on the table, acting for all Canadians, were not going to be there.

The minister proposed a new type of institution using the insurance companies but also having a greater federal presence. The insurance industry came back to us and said it did not like our federal proposal, but it recognized that there were some improvements it had to make in the way CompCorp was run. The industry said it would make the changes in order to respect the needs of all Canadians.

This was a remarkable process. The minister put out a challenge and the industry responded on its own. The government is not involved in yet another program that could cost it funds, but the industry has assumed this responsibility in a way that will even strengthen the protection available to policyholders.

I commend the industry for coming up with this solution. It is the way we have to work. It was the spirit in which all of the measures in Bill C-100 were addressed.

One of the other issues which came before the committee was addressed by my colleague from the Reform Party. His party will not be supporting the bill because it believes we should not have Canadian deposit insurance which covers every last cent owed to a depositor up to $60,000. Reformers want a system of co-insurance so that if someone deposits funds in a financial institution which is regulated by the federal government, the depositor cannot be guaranteed 100 cents on the dollar to the first $60,000 he or she deposited.

There is a rationale for what the Reform members say and it does have some merit. The merit is that if I as an individual am responsible for part of the risk on that $60,000, I will be more prudent in selecting the institution in which I deposit my funds. I will investigate whether it is credit worthy. I will look around with due diligence before I make that deposit.

In theory that makes a lot of sense but in practice I wonder whether it would really work for the vast majority of Canadians. How many of them have the opportunity to investigate on their own whether a financial institution is really solvent, whether it is really solid, whether it is going to pay back their deposit within five years if it is a term deposit for that amount of time?

Can we really look five years down the road if we are making a term deposit, even if we have access to all of those financial documents? I am not really sure it is reasonable to expect everyone who deposits in a bank or a financial institution to do that, and most people do have deposits. Is it reasonable to expect all Canadians to undertake this with due diligence? Even if they do undertake it, is it reasonable to expect that they can look five years down the road when their deposit is to mature?

I like the idea of Canadians taking a greater role in looking at their returns and not just going for the highest return. If somebody is paying more than the going rate, perhaps there is a reason for it. Perhaps they are desperate for the funds and they will take them at any price. I suspect that what we have to do as a federal government is make sure through our federal institutions that the deposit taking institutions are solvent. Through the Superintendent of Insurance and other federal agencies we have undertaken that greater role of making sure those institutions to which we have given the privilege of taking deposits will hopefully be safe in the future.

This is why I believe it is important in order to protect the vast majority of individual Canadians that we continue to maintain the full level of deposit insurance. This does not mean we cannot look at this issue in the future and perhaps look at other ways in which we can achieve the same results.

I want to go back to the process by which we looked at Bill C-100 and how it evolved. It can serve as an example for other federal legislation.

The Secretary of State for Financial Institutions put out a white paper last spring. He gave the industry about three months to respond to it. The industry studied it and came back with its considerations. The minister took those considerations into mind when he introduced the bill which came down last spring.

The finance committee sat in the month of August and heard testimony on the bill. The committee did not wait for the House to give it this reference. The bill has not even achieved second reading yet. It had just been tabled in June but we thought it important to get feedback from the industry again.

The finance committee held two very intensive days of hearings here in August. About 15 recommendations for modifications to the bill were made. The industry was very enthusiastic that we had accepted what it had proposed for CompCorp which was the major issue, to try to protect policyholders of our insurance companies in the future.

The industry came back with some concrete and constructive suggestions as to how Bill C-100 could be improved. We have noted those suggestions. The vast majority of the recommendations made at the hearings were very constructive.

We are now at the stage that even before the bill has been officially given to the committee by the House, we are looking at the recommendations made by industry. We are having discussions with officials, and we are continuing discussions with members of the industry. I am sure by the time the bill sees the light of day again it will have a number of constructive amendments attached to it. The amendments will not be arrived at through confrontation nor by saying: "Here it is; take it or leave it". It will be through the constructive, co-operative efforts of those of us here in Ottawa, of

the officials who are knowledgeable and of those from the industry who are concerned with achieving a proper legislative result.

I commend the minister for this approach. I commend the industry for the very constructive role it has taken. There is only one sour note we have seen in this whole bill.

It was when the committee sat during the month of August. The separatists tried to attack the bill on the grounds that it was a federal intrusion in a provincial jurisdiction. That was not the case at all. It would have been ultra vires for the federal government to do so.

What we did was give the Bank of Canada the power to provide better protection for all Canadian institutions, including the caisses in Quebec and all the co-ops and banks, against major risks, the systemic risks in the financial system as a whole.

The separatists themselves asked to keep the Canadian dollar. So would they prefer to ignore a better way to protect financial institutions and the dollar? Even if Quebec were an independent country, it would be necessary to protect the large value transfer system and prevent systemic risks.

However, they do not want it now and never will. We all know that the Bloc strategy, the separatist strategy is to attack us every time we do something good for all Canadians.

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1:10 p.m.

Bloc

Roger Pomerleau Bloc Anjou—Rivière-Des-Prairies, QC

Mr. Speaker, I note our hon. colleague has just said, and, very much to the point, I think, that the aim of the bill was never to invade Quebec's jurisdiction, and I believe him. I do not think the ministers opposite and our Liberal colleagues spend their time trying to think of ways to create bills to invade Quebec's jurisdictions.

That is absolutely true. I think their aim is probably to come up with good bills that will apply to all Canadians, in Canada's best interest. I am not questioning this, but the effect of the bill is to invade Quebec's jurisdictions-there is no way round it. Even Daniel Johnson, a Quebec federalist, agrees.

All this, because, on the whole, Canada is pursuing an orderly and intelligent course of development, which obliges it to centralize its powers. Mr. Trudeau recently stated that Canada cannot be decentralized any more than it is, because it is the most decentralized confederation.

Clearly, in order to become a strong country, Canada must centralize its powers in Ottawa, and this is in fact what the government is doing.

The effect of this centralization of powers in Ottawa is to rob Quebec of its powers. This is Canada's big problem. We have two sets of jurisdiction pursuing different interests for the most part. This has not been so obvious until now, because the Quebecers we sent to the House were lost in parties like the Conservative or the Liberal Party, where they were in the minority and where they were entitled to speak in the House only to toe the party line.

Now there is the Bloc Quebecois, which truly represents the interests of Quebecers and is truly in keeping with Quebec's history. This position is being defended not only by the sovereignists, but has been defended by events in Quebec since 1950 and earlier. The position has been defended by Quebec's premiers, whatever their political stripe-federalist or sovereignist.

There was Maurice Duplessis, who said, on Quebecers' behalf, "Rendez-moi mon butin à Ottawa", calling for the return of the province's powers, and he got them too. There was Jean Lesage, who started the Quiet Revolution, and talked of "Maîtres chez nous". What did he mean? He realized we did lack some of the tools we needed for our development. Then there was Daniel Johnson, Sr., who said "Égalité ou indépendance", and yet he was not a sovereignist. Toward the end of his term of office, he realized that it was absolutely necessary for Quebec to retain its powers and-if possible-obtain new ones for its economic and political survival. In this ever-changing political environment, René Lévesque managed to launch the sovereignist movement. This movement is still influential; it has led to the presence in this House members of the Bloc Quebecois, which is representative of Quebec.

Of course, there are representatives of Quebec within the Liberal Party. But these are isolated cases. Quebec is represented by the Bloc quebecois. I know that Canada needs to centralize its powers. I would like to ask my colleague a simple question. Does not he think that it is time-I know that the Prime Minister has said or at least implied, maybe not to us, but to Quebecers, that he might decentralize Canada or some minor services, when we know perfectly well-