A true liberal. The personification of distinct society.
I shall now turn to Bill C-99, and to make the most constructive criticism possible. We must bear in mind that Bill C-99 was introduced as a result of one the measures announced in the last budget speech, when the finance minister expressed hope that the Small Business Loans Act would become self-financing. As we know, in 1993, the administration of this act is said to have cost the public purse in terms of coverage-let us call it bad debt for the sake of discussion-nearly $32 million on a $4 billion small business envelope.
This $32 million in lost income for the government is expected to grow to approximately $100 million this year on an envelope now totalling $12 billion; that is how much can be loaned to small business through lending institutions.
We agree that this is a burden that must not be overlooked, a burden on the taxpayers. But at the same time, we believe that, before limiting in any way the scope of this bill, which is a good bill, the government should conduct-and this is one of the recommendations made by the official opposition that was almost approved by the industry committee-a cost-benefit analysis of administering the act. Because, if the $32 million or $100 million in question are considered as money injected by the government in the economy, then we have less trouble talking about this shortfall.
Talking not only of cost, whether it be $32 million or $100 million, but also of benefits, would give a better idea of the jobs created, the direct and indirect taxes collected by the government because of such job creation and the survival or expansion of companies as a result of incentives provided by this act.
We know the social and economic importance of jobs-there are consequences, we will never say it enough and this is a particularly good forum to do so-and of lower unemployment; it may be better education for children, less family violence, less violence against women, less violence against children. It may also lead to a lowering in drug consumption; it may be workers more inclined to do their bit to get the economy rolling, that is for sure.
Coming back to this act, before amending it in a significant way, we should bear in mind all the benefits. Unfortunately, the government did not accept the recommendation of the official opposition which had been approved by the industry committee.
Now for the particular provisions of the bill we do not agree with. There are three of them. The first one is the liability, whereby the government guarantees 90 per cent of the loan provided by a lending institution. This liability will be reduced from 90 per cent to 85 per cent. This is our first objection. The second one deals with the fact that we still require personal securities. Thirdly, administration fees will be offloaded onto borrowers through higher interest rates.
As I was saying, our first objection deals with the reduction in liability from 90 per cent to 85 per cent. We argue that it will have particular significance for smaller lending institutions. In Quebec, this means the caisses populaires you find in every village and which make only a few dozen loans per year and which, seeing their protection lowered, will be inclined to lower their risks, and therefore limit their loans to the most secure businesses. Therefore, the effect on smaller lending institutions will probably be felt rather quickly.
Our second objection is even more important, because this bill will have particular impact on high tech businesses, which are the future of our economic development. These businesses are based on the knowledge, the expertise and the skills of the employer, the owner-manager, who cannot offer tangibles guarantees to the credit institution. All he can offer is his skills, which are impalpable, intangible. Therefore, there is a higher risk for the credit institu-
tion; the same thing is true for businesses which are starting and have no background, who have nothing to offer.
Since they have no records to show, these businesses cannot reassure the bank. Consequently, the banker's risk being higher, it is expected that it will be the high tech businesses on which we are counting increasingly, as well as the new businesses that will be mostly affected by these new provisions.
Particularly if the government sees, in the coming years, that only 85 per cent coverage is still not sufficient, it may further reduce its risk. It will be able to reduce it to 80 or 75 or 70 per cent, and this, by way of regulation, without holding a debate in the House, without permitting us to talk about the borrowers' interests, without permitting us to face the executive branch and either applaud or condemn the government's policies. To act by way of regulation in such a matter is not very nice.
The second major objection, the one which maintains the personal guarantee that could be required by the lender, was a commitment made in the red book of the Liberal Party of Canada; it was conveniently forgotten. This makes us sad, because we believe that, because of the guarantee that the lender enjoys through the involvement of the federal government in the transaction, personal guarantees could have been applied instead to another transaction between the banker and the borrower, who could have offered his home, his car or part of his personal wealth as a guarantee to develop another type of project that would not be covered by the Small Business Loans Act.
Finally, we are concerned by the establishment of an administration fee the percentage of which could be set through regulation, again without any debate, surreptitiously, arbitrarily by the government, and also by the fact that the fee provided for in the legislation can be passed on to the borrower through interest rates, so that the lender can get even richer.
Therefore, for these three reasons, we will vote against this bill.