Mr. Speaker, thank you for recognizing me; some people could go on and on and on.
Needless to say, my colleagues will speak on the budget in the days to come, analyzing it thoroughly for Canadians because there is a lot to analyze in this budget. They will examine its impact on the Canadian health and social transfer, on government downsizing, on dairy producers, on regional development and on several other points.
I think that all my colleagues will come to the conclusion that this really is a cosmetic budget which totally ignores the employ-
ment growth. And although the finance minister called it a "job budget" earlier, there is nothing in there to create jobs.
As for me, I would like to focus my comments on a sentence on page 6 of the budget, which says simply this:
-whatever the numbers might say, many do not see evidence of improvement in their own lives.
I would like to direct my remarks specifically to those, and there are many of them, who will see no improvement in their day-to-day life in the next six to eight months, but who will instead notice a deterioration in their situation when they become unemployed-because I believe more and more people will lose their job-, who will notice that the funds on which they relied during their period of unemployment have been considerably cut-because of the coming unemployment insurance scheme reform-, and who will notice that social assistance payments, to which some of them will have to resort-because the reform of the unemployment insurance scheme will send them there faster than they thought-, have also been cut, because the transfers to provinces will be reduced. As we know, the cut amounts to $650 million for Quebec alone in 1995; it will amount to $1.2 billion in 1996, and will keep on increasing during the next three years.
What the government has to say to them today can be found on page 8 of the budget speech, and this is the last time I will quote the budget speech, Mr. Speaker. It is a very short sentence which states:
Chronic deficits put the disadvantaged at risk, because it is they who suffer when the financial strength of government is so weak it can no longer reach out to those in need.
This short sentence simply sends people the message that there are no more resources and that we have to cut, which is extremely debatable.
First, what it says is that there are no resources in Canada, that is primarily what is said. What people really need-the Prime Minister himself admitted it on many occasions-is to have a job. There must be job creation. However, we are told that there are no resources in Canada. This is what the government wants people to believe.
I want to say that there is no strong will to create jobs-and I will get back to that-because, fiscally, large corporations in Canada do not pay their fair share of tax. If there is a shortage of resources, it is precisely because the will is not there et because the tax system is inadequate.
As far as Quebec's resources are concerned, it is even worse, because the second point I want to make is that the federal government is depriving Quebec of its whole economic infrastructure.
So there is no strong will to create jobs. The central government, the federal government itself, tells us this: "It is not my responsibility to create jobs. We will rely on the private sector for that". However, companies are indicating that they are not responsible for job creation either, not in so many words, but in the way they behave.
Companies are doing massive layoffs at a time when they are reporting record profits. I will quote a few figures, some of which were already mentioned by the hon. member for Roberval, the Leader of the Opposition, as well as by members of the NDP.
General Motors of Canada reported record profits of $1.39 billion, but still laid off 2,500 employees. The five big Canadian banks made profits totalling $4.9 billion but reduced their workforce by 2,800 employees. In 1995, Bell Canada's profits reached $502 million and the company cut 3,200 positions-and they are talking of creating a few summer jobs for students?-on top of the 8,000 that were cut since 1990. Petro-Canada recorded profits of $196 million in 1995 and cut 564 positions. Shell made $523 million in profits and cut 471 positions. Imperial Oil, with profits of $514 million, lais off 452 employees. And the government is talking about job creation.
If the government does not create jobs because, as it says, it is not its business to do so and if big companies, the major players in the economic field-we know that jobs are created by small companies in Canada-lay off workers, who will create jobs?
Yet, the government says on page 3 of its speech:
It will require the concerted efforts of individual citizens, their governments, business and others for our country to tackle these challenges effectively.
What we see is that businesses do not want to be part of that effort and that government considers that it is none of its business. These are nice words, but where exactly does that leave us?
The truth is citizens and only citizens are asked to make an effort. That is what that means. Those words, on page 3, are a statement of principle:
It will require the concerted efforts of individual citizens, their governments, business-
Businesses do not want to make these efforts, the government says it is not its job, and Canadians will have to suffer the cuts.
In December 1993, the Department of Finance, in a document on tax expenditures, identified 288 tax exemptions available to businesses. The department said it was aware of the cost of 176 of these exemptions, which amounted to more than $17 billion a year, and admitted that it did not know the cost of the other 112. The lack of precise information on tax expenditures leads us to call for a review of our tax system. That is what the Bloc has been asking for since we came to this House.
Here is what the International Monetary Fund said, as reported in La Presse on December 8 of last year: ``Corporate taxes represent a smaller percentage of the GDP in Canada. This indicates that it may be possible to reduce some of their tax benefits.'' There is the
International Monetary Fund adopting the same position as the Bloc. That is where we should look first.
What is the greatest tax benefit used by large Canadian corporations? It is, of course, the use of tax havens.
It is difficult to obtain precise information on the extent of the tax avoidance phenomenon through the use of tax havens because of the lack of available data and the confidentiality rule which often applies in this area. Companies that do business abroad are not required to declare here the profits they declare in another country. Therefore, since they do not have to declare those profits in Canada, they do not pay taxes in this country.
There are several tax benefits related to tax havens. In 1987, the Minister of Finance made a commitment to study this issue; these studies have yet to be undertaken despite the insistence of the auditor general and the revenue department. However, it must be said that, in the 1994 budget, the Minister of Finance amended the Income Tax Act provisions related to foreign affiliates. These amendments were in accordance with the recommendations of the auditor general of the day and the Public Accounts Committee. But they will not prevent companies from using these tax havens.
It is difficult if not impossible to calculate the amount of tax revenues lost by Canada in these tax havens. However, several indicators can give us an idea of the extent of these losses.
For example, in his 1992 report on tax havens, the auditor general, although it was not necessarily in his mandate to do so, said that it could reasonably be assumed that hundreds of millions of dollars in tax revenues had already been lost et would continue to be at stake in the years to come. This was in 1992. We are now in 1996 and it is still going on. The amounts lost have even increased considerably since then.
Tax exemptions for businesses operating in foreign countries can have two major effects. Some countries considered as tax havens have very low tax rates, hypothetically, in the 2 to 3 per cent range compared to 40 per cent in Canada. This difference leads to an unfair tax treatment which can cost the Canadian government millions of dollars.
The foreign affiliate can transfer its dividends tax free to the Canadian corporation, despite the fact that the income corresponding to those dividends was not taxed at a rate comparable to that in Canada.
I have at least another five or six pages on tax havens I could read. The important thing is to realize that tax havens do exist and that more and more companies are using them. Some companies even specializing in helping other companies use tax havens to avoid paying the Canadian government the taxes they normally should.
To deal with that issue and because the Bloc Quebecois has been asking for a review of taxation for two and a half years, the government has finally decided to set up a technical committee on business taxation, which will examine business taxation. As the hon. member for Saint-Hyacinthe-Bagot, who is finance critic for the Bloc, has already mentioned, those who will examine the taxation of businesses are all Canadian tax experts and some of them-not all, but a good number of them, the best among Canadian tax experts, as it has already been said during question period-are themselves using these tax havens.
The Bloc asked that a special parliamentary committee be set up to review taxation, but here we are with a technical committee. They have waited two and a half years before doing something. We asked for a public and open process and here we are with small groups working behind closed doors. We wanted a precise calendar. What we are told is that later this year, a report will be made which will be scrutinized by the public. This just puts it off indefinitely, just like the GST.
We wanted MPs to look at this issue so as to be able, on behalf of citizens, to review taxation. This is a bit like putting the fox in charge of the henhouse. It is well known that those who are going to examine the tax rules are the same persons who are going to advise the government on the taxation system and the same persons who are going to tell companies how to apply these rules in order to avoid paying any taxes.
This is the worst conflict of interest in Canada today. None is more serious. Those who make the tax rules are the same ones that help businesses take advantage of tax loopholes. By stretching the process out-if it takes one or two years as in the case of the family trusts-they give businesses time to review their tax strategy.
I would like to send an urgent message to Canadians who are anxious to understand what is going on in this area, because the government is really up to no good.
A few years ago Linda McQuaig wrote the book Behind Closed Doors: How the Rich Won Control of Canada's Tax System . This book explains fully how in 30 years the rich people in this country have taken control of the Canadian fiscality and do not pay any more taxes.
Linda McQuaig's book was also published in French under the title La part du lion . In it, she shows how rich Canadian families have used all tax loopholes available in order not to pay any Canadian income taxes.
What I just said concerns all Canadians. Every time there is excessive use of tax evasion, it means a loss of revenue for Canada and, as we now know, it is the little people, the future unemployed,
who end up footing the bill. They will start paying in the middle of the summer with UI reform.
Things are even worse in Quebec. The employment situation in Quebec is worse than anywhere else in Canada, except Newfoundland. They are telling us-and they will continue to do so throughout the coming year-that all this is due to the political uncertainty in Quebec. Nothing could be further from the truth.
There are all kinds of sovereignist movements around the world; some are even in power. There is a sovereignist party in Scotland, the Scottish National Party, which has long had elected members to Parliament. They advocate Scottish sovereignty; one of their most famous propagandists is Sean Connery, the actor who first played James Bond, whom we all remember very well. Yet no one calls the Scots racist or xenophobic.
There is a sovereignist party in Taiwan, as I have said before in this House, the Democratic Progressive Party. In 1992, with 31 per cent of the vote, this party won 51 out of 161 seats in Parliament. No one in the world claims that political uncertainty in that country has led to economic uncertainty. On the contrary, everyone wants to do business with Taiwan, including Bombardier. Strangely enough, the President of Bombardier, who was complaining about insecurity in Quebec, has decided to invest in Taiwan, where the situation is exactly the same as in Quebec.
There is even a new sovereignist party in British Columbia, which is being built around Roger Rocan and is apparently supported by 12 per cent of the population according to the polls. We will never hear the Prime Minister talk about the big, bad separatists in B.C. That is reserved for Quebec. They would never say this to the people of British Columbia. On the contrary, in its analyses, the Fraser Institute goes as far as saying that B.C. would benefit from sovereignty. So they conduct studies over there but when we do the same here, we are big, bad separatists.
Since 1980, close to 40 new countries have joined the UN because it is the normal destiny of peoples to become nations and of nations to become countries. That is what the UN is for. There are even countries that have achieved sovereignty twice: Singapore, among others. In 1963, Singapore left the British empire to join Malaysia and, two years later, it seceded from Malaysia to become an independent republic.
The population of Singapore is half that of Quebec and is very cosmopolitan-in no way can it be considered homogeneous-with 80 per cent Chinese, 15 per cent Malaysians, 4 per cent Indians and 1 per cent people from other parts of the world, including a fair number of Canadians. All this in an area 2,500 times smaller than Quebec, that does not have any natural resources or energy resources. Anyone who travels to Singapore cannot help but notice that the leading foreign commodity is dirt on which to build by reclaiming land from the ocean. Singapore is a tiny country. No one denies that Singapore's economy is booming; economic success has nothing to do with the size or population of a country.
Responding to a question yesterday, my hon. friend from Saint-Denis, who is of Greek origin, stated that the idea of Quebec becoming sovereign bothered her. I would like to remind her, not without some pride, that we all are more or less Greek. Greece was the birthplace of science and democracy and, as you know, Mr. Speaker-you studied the Classics-we were brought up on that. All this to say that, were we to ask the Greeks tomorrow morning if they would be ready to give up their sovereignty and become a minority in some other nation, the answer would be no. I think therefore that the Greek community should understand Quebecers for wanting to do just like them.
Things are not going well in Quebec because our economic infrastructure is being drained away. A long time ago, it was decided to centralize all the economic activity in Ontario. Canadians did this for very good reasons. What were they? Geographically, Ontario is at the heart of the country. If you are going to centralize, you might as well do it in the centre, in the province with the largest population and which provides direct access to the heart of the U.S. market, cities such as Detroit, Chicago and Milwaukee, across the Great Lakes. The decision to empty Quebec of its economic infrastructure was made a long time ago.
Let me just tell you when this decentralization process started, because I had prepared a longer speech, which I probably will not have the time to finish.
Somewhat surprisingly, our dear friend, Mr. Mordecai Richler, tells us in his book O Canada! O Québec when that decentralization started. He mentions it in a short sentence, on page 107, which I will read in
"Once the St. Lawrence Seaway was in place, diminishing the importance of our port-il parlait bien sûr de Montréal-and the Toronto stock market was doing more business than St. James Street, Montreal's slippage was inevitable".
Once the St. Lawrence Seaway was in place, Montreal's slippage was inevitable. We are now witnessing the decline of Montreal. It started with the building of the St. Lawrence Seaway. We could go on about all the other decisions that were made concerning airports, the petrochemical industry, the Borden line, the money spent in Quebec by the government which is less than the standard 25 per cent, and also the new areas in which the federal government is about to interfere, including the securities business, as mentioned
in the speech from the throne. Once again, the government will centralize all that.
Given that Ontario's economic appeal was built from scratch, it is no wonder that foreign investors all want to move to that province.
This is the current situation. We have a budget which does not do anything about employment. It merely maintains the measures that were decided last year, such as taking money from the UI fund, reducing assistance to individuals and cutting transfers to the provinces. There is basically nothing about employment. Within that structure, all Canadians lose, Quebecers in particular.