Madam Speaker, I am pleased to take part in this budget debate. Based on the budget speech, it is possible to make an overall assessment of government action.
When we look at the action of this government, we are reminded of the old saying "all talk, no action". I will demonstrate this reality in two ways. I will compare the speech from the throne with the budget speech and I will also compare speeches that were made on Canada's foreign policy with the reality that this government is inflicting upon us.
The speech from the throne tells us that the government intends to withdraw from a number of areas under provincial jurisdiction. Four or five areas are mentioned, and members will recall that, in Quebec alone, the cost of duplication and overlap has been estimated at $3 billion by the Bélanger-Campeau commission. So when we look at the speech from the throne, we have a tendency to think that the government is going in the right direction.
But, at the same time, what do we learn in the budget speech? That the government intends to establish a Canadian securities commission when such commissions already exist in the major provinces, including Quebec.
The government says it will withdraw from the area of job training, but look at all the procrastination around this so-called withdrawal. We can see that it has really no intention of withdrawing from this area.
The government is establishing a committee of tax experts, but the experts it appoints to this committee are all certified accountants that are experts in tax avoidance.
So what are the government's real intentions when it says it wants to reform the Canadian tax system? We can have our doubts about that.
The federal government is creating a health services research fund. We will now have a new area where there will be duplication and overlap.
In the speech from the throne, the government says it wants to ensure the viability of social programs. Let us take a look now at what is happening in reality: $7 billion cuts in transfers to provinces, and let us not forget that these transfers are for major services such as health care, income security and post-secondary education, that is colleges and universities.
It claims to be contributing to ensuring the viability of social programs by its unemployment insurance reform. Let us look at a few points here. With the UI reform, all workers start contributing with the first hour worked. So the little guy, the person who never contributed in the past, will be forced to pay into a fund, with no assurance at all of being able to draw anything out of it later on, of course.
At the same time, maximum insurable earnings are being lowered. Again the little guy will be forced to contribute, while the ones contributing in the past on up to $42,000 will now contribute up to $39,000, and yet the speech still claims the intent is to ensure the viability of social programs.
The government is more or less rifling $5 billion from the unemployment insurance fund, still for the purpose of ensuring the liability of social programs, of course.
In the throne speech, the government claims to have finally controlled the deficit. Now, the 1996-97 increase in the debt is $24 billion. Since this government came in, the debt has gone up by $110 billion and yet it is patting itself on the back, claiming to have gained the upper hand over the deficit.
The government tells us in the throne speech "we will be making changes to Canadian federation in order to bring it more in line with what Quebecers and Canadians want". Their last invention, the principal homeland of French culture in North America, has made them the laughing stock of everyone. We have only to look at the political cartoons and the newspaper editorials of the past two days. Everybody is making fun of it, and this is practically the only answer the government can come up with, since it is incapable of reaching a consensus within its own ranks on this question.
The second main element I am going to address, Canada's foreign policy, I will look at from two points of view: aid to developing countries and human rights. When the Liberal Party was in opposition, it criticized the Conservatives for their foreign policy, but it is interesting to compare the priorities the Conservatives set for themselves in Sharing Our Future and the Liberals' in Canada in the World .
The Conservatives set out their foreign policy under four headings: attacking poverty, helping people help themselves, promoting development and, finally, partnership in foreign policy, which was a key concept. What about the Liberal's famous foreign policy made public in 1995? When the document was tabled, of course, the Minister of Foreign Affairs spoke of the generosity and compassion of Canadians. While it is true of Canadians, it is not true of the government.
Now let us look at the facts. The three pillars of Canadian foreign policy: prosperity and jobs through trade, security for Canadians in a stable world-God knows it is not stable-and, finally, exporting our cultural products and values. They even dare to add, "to ensure our success in the world".
So the concept of generosity appears in speeches as does the concept of compassion, but when it comes down to really formulating a policy and stating it, it appears that everything is centred on trade relations.
We have a very typical case to demonstrate the failure of Canadian foreign policy. It is the case of a resident of Sainte-Foy, Mr. Tran Trieu Quan, who has been a prisoner in Vietnam for over two years. He is a businessman who made a business transaction. He was simply the intermediary between an American company, which went through its Canadian subsidiary to deliver cotton to Vietnam. He was simply the go-between. There were fraudulent dealings in the transaction. The Government of Canada knows he is not responsible. Interpol in Ottawa has shown that Mr. Tran was himself a victim of this shady deal, the company's scapegoat, but the Canadian government says it cannot do a thing to help Tran Trieu Quan to return home.
There are actions the government could take. Remember that the Prime Minister, in his first trip to the Asian Pacific, signed, among other things, an agreement for a co-operation project with Vietnam worth $36 million. Just as the Prime Minister of Canada was about to sign, he could have set his pen on the table and told his Vietnamese counterpart: "I would be very happy to sign this co-operation agreement but there is a little problem. A Canadian
citizen has been a prisoner in your country for a number of months. Until Mr. Tran Trieu Quan is released, no trade agreement can be signed".
As you may also recall, the Canadian government helped Vietnam eliminate its debt to the International Monetary Fund. The IDRC has projects in Vietnam. The former Minister of Foreign Affairs increased financial aid to Vietnam by $20 million.
The April 13 edition of Le Journal des affaires reports that CIDA has just awarded a $7 million contract to Stikeman Elliott and Experco Limited, companies based in Montreal and Drummondville. Although this government continues to give millions of dollars to Vietnam, it is unable to take whatever actions are necessary to ensure Mr. Tran Trieu Quan's release.
This shows the very wide gap between what the government says and what it can or cannot do.