House of Commons Hansard #89 of the 38th Parliament, 1st Session. (The original version is on Parliament's site.) The word of the day was sex.

Topics

Textile IndustryOral Question Period

May 2nd, 2005 / 3 p.m.

Liberal

Denis Paradis Liberal Brome—Missisquoi, QC

Mr. Speaker, the welfare and prosperity of thousands of textile workers in Quebec and in Brome—Missisquoi are of concern to me. Today, the industry is facing new difficulties because local businesses have to compete nationally and internationally with businesses that are much bigger. The government provided valuable support to the industry in December 2004.

Can the Minister of Human Resources and Skills Development tell this House what the government is doing today to help textile workers in Quebec and Brome—Missisquoi?

Textile IndustryOral Question Period

3 p.m.

Westmount—Ville-Marie Québec

Liberal

Lucienne Robillard LiberalPresident of the Queen's Privy Council for Canada

Mr. Speaker, I would like to pay tribute to the work of the member for Brome—Missisquoi, who is working very closely with people in the textile industry in the Eastern Townships.

I would also like to thank the member for Ahuntsic, who, on behalf of the Government of Canada, announced $5.9 million for the Textiles Human Resources Council . The Council brings together employers, workers and unions, everyone at the table, to try to help develop this industry, so important here in Canada.

Textile IndustryOral Question Period

3:05 p.m.

The Speaker

The time for oral questions has expired.

Is the hon. member for Macleod rising on a point of order arising from question period?

Points of OrderOral Question Period

3:05 p.m.

Conservative

Ted Menzies Conservative Macleod, AB

Mr. Speaker, in answer to a question that I posed to the Minister of Health during question period, the minister suggested that I knew nothing about the Mackenzie Olsen issue. It is rather presumptuous, I would say, to assume what I do not know and what I do know. It has been in the media. It has been well publicized. I have spoken to the chief of the band.

I would like you to rule on this, if you would, Mr. Speaker.

Points of OrderOral Question Period

3:05 p.m.

The Speaker

I could rule on the matter, but I think what the hon. member really is rising on is a matter of debate. That is what I would rule.

I know that whether members have a grasp of issues is often a subject of debate. We frequently hear that members do not know what they are talking about in the House. I do not find that statement unusual in the fact that it was made; perhaps it was in relation to the hon. member, who everyone knows is a very knowledgeable hon. member.

Having said that, I cannot go much beyond that. I am afraid he is raising a matter for debate. There will be other opportunities for him to continue that discussion, which we will all look forward to.

Is the hon. member for Lanark—Frontenac—Lennox and Addington also rising on a point of order?

Points of OrderOral Question Period

3:05 p.m.

Conservative

Scott Reid Conservative Lanark—Frontenac—Lennox and Addington, ON

Mr. Speaker, this arises from members' statements. I am seeking unanimous consent of the House in this matter. I brought up the issue of the dangerous state of repair of a bridge in Napanee and mentioned that the Minister of Transport had not responded to a portfolio of photographs that had been sent to him by the municipal council on this matter.

I would like to ask for the unanimous consent of the House to table this portfolio, a copy of what was sent to him by the town fathers, and as well this piece of rock which fell from the pier of the bridge and demonstrates the perilous--

Points of OrderOral Question Period

3:05 p.m.

The Speaker

Does the hon. member have the unanimous consent of the House?

Points of OrderOral Question Period

3:05 p.m.

Some hon. members

Agreed.

Points of OrderOral Question Period

3:05 p.m.

Some hon. members

No.

Points of OrderOral Question Period

3:05 p.m.

Hamilton East—Stoney Creek Ontario

Liberal

Tony Valeri LiberalLeader of the Government in the House of Commons

Mr. Speaker, I would like you to consider whether the amendment to the concurrence motion on the third report of the finance committee is in fact in order. I would like to lay out a couple of arguments to that effect.

In terms of background, the third report of the finance committee was tabled on December 20, 2004. It was the committee's report on its prebudget consultations, authorized under Standing Order 83.1. It was then the opposition House leader who moved concurrence in the report. Then his party leader moved an amendment, which reads:

That the motion be amended by deleting all the words after the word “That” and substituting the following:

The Third Report of the Standing Committee on Finance, presented on Monday, December 20, 2004, be not now concurred in,

But that it be recommitted to the Standing Committee on Finance with instruction that it amend the same so as to recommend that the government resign over refusing to accept some of the committee's key recommendations and to implement the budgetary changes that Canadians need.

The government has a number of concerns with the approach taken with this amendment. We have our doubts as to whether or not it is in fact in order.

We are not in any way arguing that concurrence motions cannot be amended. In fact, there have already been amendments proposed to several concurrence motions to refer issues back to committee for further study. Citation 896(1) of the sixth edition of Beauchesne's states:

When the motion to concur is moved, the House may refer the report back to the committee for further consideration or with instructions to amend it in any respect.

A relevant precedent is from December 13, 1985, when there was an amendment to a motion to concur in a finance committee report. The amendment was:

--that it be recommitted to the said Committee and that it be an instruction to the Committee that they have the power to amend the same so as to recommend expeditious passage of legislation to give effect to the budgetary measures providing for an exemption of up to $500,000 from capital gains for the proceeds of the sale of farm property.

The Speaker ruled in that particular case that the amendment was in fact in order. Referring to the passage from Beauchesne's that I have cited, he stated:

--the House must have the right, in logic, to refer a report back for reconsideration of the report in whole or for reconsideration of any clause, otherwise the House would be bound to deal with only the report the committee submitted. Clearly the House cannot be bound simply to accept or reject a report on the matter. The House itself cannot amend the report. However, it can clearly refer a report back for amendment, either minor or major, or for complete reconsideration. Those are the practices and traditions of this House.

Therefore, I would argue that it is permissible to amend a concurrence motion to refer it back to committee with further instructions.

I would note, though, that the 1985 amendment was a permissive instruction, that is, the amendment provided an instruction to the committee members that they had the “power” to amend the report. I would note that the Speaker's ruling in 1985 also stated:

The committee's right of decision on the matter is by no means constrained, no matter what the House has asked it to reconsider.

The amendment by the Leader of the Opposition, in contrast, is a mandatory instruction, as the amendment states “with instruction” to “amend” the report, rather than giving the committee the “power” to amend the report. The amendment therefore instructs the committee to come to a conclusion rather than giving it the power to amend the report in a particular manner should the committee itself come to that conclusion on its own.

There are precedents for amending a concurrence motion to give a mandatory instruction to a committee. For example, I would like to draw to the House's attention--and for those members across the way who have no interest in hearing what in fact I am saying, I would like to draw it to their attention--that for example on April 1, 1969, the Speaker was asked to rule on whether an amendment to a concurrence motion can instruct a committee to delete a paragraph of its report.

Mr. Knowles challenged this amendment arguing that the House was not allowed “to tell the committee precisely what to do. All that the House has the right to do is to give the committee the power to make any changes it wishes”.

The Deputy Speaker ruled that the amendment was in order stating that it was competent for the House to adopt a committee report, reject it or refer it back to the committee with our without instructions; and that this decision was supported by the authorities which allow that an instruction can be made “to amend [the report] in any particular”.

There is also a precedent from 1919 that supports the same conclusion. At this time there was an amendment to a motion to concur in a report of a special committee on the question of conferring honours. Initially the amendment was that only part of the report be concurred in. The Speaker ruled that:

When a motion is made for the adoption of the report of a Committee, it is competent for the House to adopt it, to reject it or to refer it back to Committee with or without instructions. Or, a motion may be made for the six month's hoist. I do not think it competent to move to amend the report of a Committee.

Following the Speaker's ruling, a further amendment was put and voted on, which stated that the report be referred back to the committee “with instructions to amend the same...” in a particular manner. The Speaker was not asked to rule on the admissibility of this amendment.

Thus, Speakers have ruled, although with some variation, that while it is not possible for the House to directly amend the text of a committee report, it is possible for the House to give instructions, even mandatory instructions, to a committee to amend its report.

However the report we are addressing today is unique with important distinctions from those precedents.

There are two reasons why I believe the amendment is out of order.

The first reason is that the amendment is procedurally inconsistent with the process for the prebudget report set out in Standing Order 83.1.

In the cases I have cited, the amendments were all within the order of reference of the committees.

However the third report of the Standing Committee on Finance is not a routine report carried out under the committee's general mandate under Standing Order 108. Rather, the order of reference of the report was Standing Order 83.1. This is made quite clear by the report itself which states at the outset:

In accordance with its mandate under Standing Order 83.1, your committee studied proposals on the budgetary policy of the government and has agreed to report the following.

Standing Order 83.1 states:

Each year the Standing Committee on Finance shall be authorized to consider and make reports upon proposals regarding the budgetary policy of the government. Any report or reports thereon may be made no later than the tenth sitting day before the last normal sitting day in December, as set forth in Standing Order 28(2).

The committee's authority under Standing Order 83.1 is tied directly to the government's budgetary cycle. The review takes place in the fall of each year as the economic and fiscal outlook is updated and the report is tabled prior to when the government typically begins its detailed preparations for the budget. The fact that the standing order is placed just prior to Standing Order 84, which outlines the procedures to be followed for the budget and the budget debate, underscores the fact that the committee's mandate is tied directly to the budgetary cycle of the government.

In the case of the December 2004 report, the House agreed to extend the reporting deadline of the committee to allow the report to be tabled with the clerk of the House on a day that the House was not sitting in December. I am sure all members recall that the House did extend that reporting deadline.

I would argue that the proposed amendment by the Leader of the Opposition goes beyond the order of reference for the standing committee.

Under Standing Order 83.1 and the special order adopted by the House in December, the committee had until December 2004 to table its report on its prebudget consultations. This mandate has therefore lapsed for the purposes of the 2005 budget and will not be renewed again until September when the committee begins its prebudget consultations for the 2006 budget.

This amendment is beyond the timetable established in the Standing Orders and would have the effect of extending the committee's order of reference for this report.

At a minimum, in order to make the amendment acceptable, it should have stated that it is “notwithstanding Standing Order 83.1”. However no such wording is provided in the amendment and it is therefore inconsistent with the procedure set out in Standing Order 83.1.

In my opinion the second reason this amendment is out of order is that it is putting a question to the House that has already been voted on by the House.

Following the tabling of the finance committee report, two days were set aside at the first opportunity to debate the contents of the report, which was on January 31 and February 1. While the committee report was debated, no concurrence motion was brought forward to vote on the report prior to the tabling of the budget on February 23, 2005.

I do not need to remind the House that the 2005 budget was successful and received broad support among Canadians. However it is relevant to point out that this House also approved the budget through a recorded vote on March 9, 2005.

Given that the finance committee report was fully debated in the House and that the budget was presented and approved by the House, the issues raised by the committee's prebudget report are now no longer up for debate.

Essentially, what the Leader of the Opposition's amendment purports to do is to instruct the committee to condemn the government for not accepting all of the committee's recommendations on an issue that has already been approved by the entire House of Commons. In effect, the amendment is asking the House to decide the same question for a second time.

I would like to refer members to citation 558 in the 6th edition of Beauchesne's, which states:

(1) An old rule of Parliament reads: “That a question being once made and carried in the affirmative or negative, cannot be questioned again but must stand as the judgment of the House.” Unless such a rule were in existence, the time of the House might be used in the discussion of a motion of the same nature and contradictory decisions would be sometimes arrived at in the course of the same session.

I would submit that this is exactly what the amendment is doing. The House has already approved the budgetary policy of the government and the Leader of the Opposition cannot reopen a question that has already been determined by the House.

In closing, I would point out to all members that the purpose of the recent Standing Order change on concurrence motions was to provide an opportunity for committee reports to be debated in the House and come to a vote. The change was not designed to allow ancillary issues to be voted on through amendments.

In addition, the amendment is inconsistent with the order of reference for the finance committee's report, which sets a specific timetable for its report. The absence of any reference in the amendment to it being “notwithstanding” Standing Order 83.1 causes the amendment to be procedurally inconsistently with the Standing Orders. The amendment is asking the House to reconsider the position it has already taken with respect to the budget. The House has already passed judgment on the budget and any motion questioning that judgment should be ruled out of order.

Points of OrderOral Question Period

3:20 p.m.

Conservative

Jay Hill Conservative Prince George—Peace River, BC

Mr. Speaker, I want to state at the outset that it is now becoming evident to all Canadians what the government is up to and how it intends to proceed to endeavour to prevent being held accountable in any way, shape or form in this chamber.

Notwithstanding what we heard at some length, it is my contention that the amendment does not in any way depart from the rules and practices of the House. When the amendment was moved on Friday, April 22, 2005, it was ruled in order by the Speaker. In fact, we had one hour and nineteen minutes of debate. I would question why the House leader, if he believed the amendment was not in order, chose not to raise it at that time.

It has now been more than a week, because of the break week when all MPs had the opportunity to return to their ridings, and after more than an hour of debate in the chamber. The amendment was moved and it was found to be in order.

As the Speaker knows, Standing Order 10 prohibits a challenge to the decision of the Chair. Standing Order 10 states:

The Speaker shall preserve order and decorum, and shall decide questions of order. No debate shall be permitted on any such decision, and no such decision shall be subject to an appeal to the House.

However that is exactly what we are dealing with. We should not even be entertaining debate on this question. The government has resorted to breaching our Standing Orders, which it says it wants to uphold, by challenging the Speaker.

Since the government has been allowed to challenge the Speaker, and I would suggest to go on at some length here today, I trust the Speaker will allow me to defend your decision.

The first line of the amendment follows a basic wording that has been used many times before. The next part recommends that the government resign. It is perfectly in order to make a recommendation to the government. The fact that the committee is being instructed to recommend that the government resign is of no procedural significance provided it relates to the mandate of the committee.

We heard the government House leader go on at some length about the mandate of the committee. That is what the third part of our amendment addresses. The amendment instructs the committee to amend the report to recommend:

--that the government resign over refusing to accept some of the committee's key recommendations and to implement the budgetary changes that Canadians need.

It cannot now be argued that the amendment is not relevant to the mandate of the Standing Committee on Finance.

With respect to any argument that amendments to concurrence motions cannot introduce the notion of confidence, I refer the Speaker to page 44 of Marleau and Montpetit where it recounts how the government of Mackenzie King retained the support of the House until June 1926:

--when the official opposition moved an amendment to a motion to concur in a committee report that amounted to a censure of the government;

Therefore it is established that the notion of confidence can be part of an amendment to a concurrence motion.

What is interesting is that today we are experiencing a very similar situation to that which took place in 1926. In 1926 the King administration tried a number of manoeuvres to avoid facing a confidence vote, which is very similar to what is unfolding here.

Another parallel was that King's government, like today's Liberal government, was mired in scandal.

With respect to any interpretation as to the outcome of this confidence motion, if the House concludes that the government should resign, whether that takes the form of an instruction to a committee or not, how can it be argued that the House supports the government and how can it be argued that it should remain in office? The amendment clearly states that the government should resign.

Marleau and Montpetit at page 44 accepted that an amendment to a concurrence motion could be worded in such a way to amount to a motion of confidence.

Mackenzie King viewed an amendment to a concurrence motion as a matter of confidence, unlike what I think we are seeing across the way, where the Liberals are trying everything possible to resist being held accountable through a motion of non-confidence.

The arguments put forward by the government today have no procedural significance I submit. They are opinions that communicate desperation.

I would like to quote something Isaac Asimov said about death that relates to the Liberal government which might be of interest. He said, “Life is pleasant. Death is peaceful. It's the transition that's troublesome.”

The desperate attempt by the government to avoid the judgment of the House is nothing short of disgraceful. One would think the government would at least attempt to go through its own transition with a little more dignity.

Points of OrderOral Question Period

3:25 p.m.

Bloc

Michel Gauthier Bloc Roberval, QC

Mr. Speaker, it is clear that I wholeheartedly support the arguments made by the parliamentary leader of the Conservative Party. He referred to a very important precedent that led to the government's defeat in 1926. In my opinion, the arguments put forward by the government House leader are totally irrelevant and unfounded, especially since they are being applied to a situation where the government is trying its best to save its own skin in the House of Commons.

This government claims to have the confidence of the House, and yet all its actions, arguments and efforts aim to prevent the House from voting on any kind of confidence motion. When a government thinks and claims it has the confidence of the House, it does not need to create a diversion to prevent the House and its members from voting on a confidence motion. By its very actions, the current Liberal government is demonstrating that it knows it no longer has the confidence of the House of Commons.

I want to refer back to the two arguments put forth by the government House leader. I will speak in French so that everyone listening can clearly understand the arguments presented.

The government's first argument is that the House does not have the right to impose orders or anything else on a committee. This is totally absurd. Not only is there a precedent dating back to 1926, which led to the fall of the government, but we also did it recently. The House of Commons ordered a committee to proceed with the splitting of a bill into two parts. The House regularly asks committees to split a bill in two or three. Everyone knows this happens. Therefore, the House has all the necessary powers, and particularly the power to ask a committee to proceed with some very specific tasks. That was true in 1926, that was true last year, that was true yesterday and, following your ruling, I hope this will still be true tomorrow.

The second point is that this is no ordinary report. I will not present many arguments, but I will say one thing. This report was called and put on the order paper of the House a long time ago and nobody ever said anything. The government never claimed that someone,be it the Conservative Party or anyone else, had no right, in any way, to call this report. This was an ordinary report. All of a sudden, because it could put the government in jeopardy, they claim it is no longer an ordinary report.

The bottom line is that the House has the right to give orders to committees, and the Leader of the Opposition had every right to propose an amendment that was deemed in order and that amounts to a matter of confidence in this government.

People must understand that all these attempts made by the other side clearly show that the government itself knows that it no longer has the trust of the House of Commons, of Quebeckers and of Canadians. This is really what must be recognized. We have a right to deal with such a fundamental issue, in full compliance with the rules.

Points of OrderOral Question Period

3:30 p.m.

Liberal

Don Boudria Liberal Glengarry—Prescott—Russell, ON

Mr. Speaker, I would like to comment briefly on the same subject. I will begin by speaking as well on the points raised by the hon. House leader of the Bloc Québécois. He gave examples of the House having given instructions to a committee in the past.

I do not think there is any debate between him and the government House leader in this regard. The latter explained the circumstances under which it was permitted and the restrictions that applied. It is not a matter of knowing whether the House is entitled to instruct a committee. There are standards to follow, and the House leader listed them and provided a very relevant explanation.

In addition, if members want me to repeat what my colleague said, it would be my pleasure to do so. I have a copy of his speech before me. I thought, however, I would not ask the House to take more than the time required to debate this matter.

The hon. leader of the Bloc Québécois spoke of a normal report. I disagree with him. The government House leader spoke very well on the matter. It is a report under Standing Order 83(1). By definition, therefore, it will lapse at a certain date.

The following are examples for determining whether a report has lapsed. First, a date is set to present the report. After its presentation, as we all know, there would presumably be an opportunity to return it with instructions, and so on, following the rules explained by the government leader. It seems there was no desire to do so.

Then, there was the presentation of the budget. Under Standing Order 83(1), one can certainly ask to make recommendations not on budgets, but on a budget, the one being presented. Once the budget is brought down, it lapses for good.

When we say a budget has been presented that does not mean it has been passed. I do not agree. In my opinion, by the time it has been brought down, instructions for preparing it have already lapsed.

The fact remains that other measures were followed. There was the amendment, the main motion, and the passing of the budget by the members of the House. In any measure, S.O. 83(1) always applies. It no longer applies in terms of this report because it addresses a budget that has already been considered by the House. The bill on the budget is before the House, not the budget itself. In other words, the motion for concurrence is no longer before us.

The House leader from the official opposition said that the amendment was in order and that somehow this did not enable us to rise today on a point of order to discuss this.

We could roll out for you, Mr. Speaker, reams of examples of where the opposition has, several days after an issue has been before the House, decided to rise on a point of order to argue that such a course should or should not take place. I have witnessed so many of them through the years. I remember many of these arguments being made, and if my memory serves me correctly, on several occasions by the one who said today that it was not possible to do that which he did himself on countless occasions. Therefore, I do not believe that argument should deter you from examining whether this motion is in order or out of order. We believe it to be out of order.

The other matter is that the amending motion itself was not put to the House. If you would review Hansard , Mr. Speaker, you would see that it was not done at the time. Perhaps some would argue on the other side that it was not necessary. I believe it was. If it was not properly put, to challenge the fact that it was not, surely it is in order to raise this and ask for the consideration of the Speaker in this regard.

I want to make one final remark as it pertains to the power to report. Marleau and Montpetit states, on page 879:

When reporting to the House, committees must indicate the authority under which the study was done (i.e., the Standing Order or the order of reference).

This is the important principle to be followed when the House leader from the Bloc says that it was a report like any other, a normal report, as he called it. It was not. It was a report under a very specific standing order, as Marleau and Montpetit instructs us on page 879.

On page 886 of Marleau and Montpetit, it states:

A motion may be presented to recommit the report to the committee so that the report may be re-examined.

That part of it can be done provided the report to be examined is still before us, which we are argue it is not.

Finally, someone mentioned that the procedure used in 1926 was still valid. This is an interesting proposition which the House might want to consider. However, I bring to the attention of the Speaker that in June 1985 the House adopted what was known as the McGrath committee report on the reform of the House in which we totally redefined the confidence convention at the time.

That report was concurred in, so it is now part of the way in which the rules must be interpreted by the Speaker. It states, in part, on page 9 of the report, “Defeat on matters not essential to the government's program”, and concurring in a committee report I do not think anyone would argue is essential to the government's programs, “do not require it to arrange a vote of confidence whether directly or on some procedural or collateral motion”.

Now the way in which we do these things in the end I do not even believe is identical to what it was in 1926 in any event.

Points of OrderOral Question Period

3:40 p.m.

Conservative

Jason Kenney Conservative Calgary Southeast, AB

Mr. Speaker, I will make two brief points.

First, the hon. Leader of the Government in the House of Commons suggested, I think erroneously, that the amendment to the concurrence motion in question was out of order because the Standing Orders were amended to require that the government give its response to a committee report before concurrence could be moved. In fact, the government did give its response to this report and the response was in the form of the budget of the hon. Minister of Finance. Perhaps the hon. House leader overlooked the budget, which is at the heart of the question we are dealing with now.

He is seeking to invoke the rules to restrict the moving of a concurrence motion until there is a government response, but the minister's own arguments are not consistent with the rules that he himself sought to amend and the government amended.

I would further point out a precedent that I think will be relevant to your decision. On June 20, 1994, and on November 7, 1996, the Speaker ruled that:

While it is the tradition of this House that committees are masters of their own proceedings, they cannot establish procedures which go beyond the powers conferred upon them by the House.

Committees receive their powers from the House. The House can alter them any way it sees fit. The minister argued that committees cannot be told what to do. It is the other way around. The tail does not wag the dog. The dog wags the tail.

Points of OrderOral Question Period

3:40 p.m.

Bloc

Michel Gauthier Bloc Roberval, QC

Mr. Speaker, thank you for allowing me a few moments to add an argument, having listened to what the member opposite has had to say.

The most valid argument the government has raised is that the report cannot be amended or considered amendable, because it deals with something that is past. That the budget has been written, and so to all intents and purposes this is an obsolete report. This is what you will have to rule on, and I imagine you may be somewhat hesitant.

I would also like to point out an inaccuracy: the budget has not been written because again last week the Prime Minister was announcing plans to modify it, saying that he would come before the House of Commons with a bill to amend the budget.

So the report is absolutely pertinent, because we would have every right to criticize the government until all changes have been made to the budget. Since the Prime Minister himself has proven by his deal with the leader of the NDP that the budget process is not over, but is still in the process of being changed, the argument that the report is obsolete is no longer valid. There may be other changes later, once this new report is tabled.

Points of OrderOral Question Period

3:40 p.m.

The Speaker

I thank the hon. House leader for the Bloc Québécois, the hon. Leader of the Government in the House of Commons, and the hon. House leader for the official opposition, along with the hon. members for Glengarry—Prescott—Russell and Calgary Southeast, for their comments and assistance to the Chair in this matter.

I am going to take this matter under advisement and get back to the House in due course as I recognize its importance. Obviously the Leader of the Government in the House had a week to consider his arguments. It must have taken some time because he had a lengthy one.

The hon. House leader for the official opposition and the hon. House leader for the Bloc Québécois both have also given this matter serious thought and made serious presentations to the House. I will take the matter under advisement and get back to the House in due course.

Government Response to PetitionsRoutine Proceedings

3:45 p.m.

Beauséjour New Brunswick

Liberal

Dominic LeBlanc LiberalParliamentary Secretary to the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons

Mr. Speaker, I know you and all members of the House will be very pleased that I am tabling today, in both official languages, the government's response to 119 petitions.

Air Canada and its affiliates ActRoutine Proceedings

3:45 p.m.

Outremont Québec

Liberal

Jean Lapierre LiberalMinister of Transport

moved for leave to introduce Bill C-47, an act to amend the Air Canada Public Participation Act.

(Motions deemed adopted, bill read the first time and printed)

Pest Control Products ActRoutine Proceedings

3:45 p.m.

Liberal

Marlene Catterall Liberal Ottawa West—Nepean, ON

moved for leave to introduce Bill C-370, an act to amend the Pest Control Products Act (prohibition of use of chemical pesticides for non-essential purposes).

Mr. Speaker, I am very pleased to introduce a bill to amend the Pest Control Products Act to prohibit the use of chemical pesticides for non-essential purposes.

I know I am not allowed to speak on the bill at this time; however, it is clear that since this was first tabled by other members of Parliament, medical evidence and pressure for such a ban has become more well known and more pressing.

(Motions deemed adopted, bill read the first time and printed)

Pest Control Products ActRoutine Proceedings

3:45 p.m.

The Speaker

The Chair has notice of intention to move a motion from two hon. members, the hon. member for Glengarry—Prescott—Russell and the hon. member for Prince George--Peace River. Could the hon. member for Glengarry--Prescott--Russell tell us which notice of motion standing in his name he intends to move please?

Pest Control Products ActRoutine Proceedings

3:45 p.m.

Liberal

Don Boudria Liberal Glengarry—Prescott—Russell, ON

Mr. Speaker, I intend to move concurrence in the 21st report of the Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs, concerning a question of privilege which was referred to us. This being a matter of privilege, we all know how much of a priority it is.

Pest Control Products ActRoutine Proceedings

3:45 p.m.

The Speaker

Could the hon. member for Prince George--Peace River indicate to the Chair which motion on the notice paper he is proposing?

Pest Control Products ActRoutine Proceedings

3:45 p.m.

Conservative

Jay Hill Conservative Prince George—Peace River, BC

Yes, Mr. Speaker. I have served notice to the table that I intended today to move concurrence in the 35th report of the Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs.

Pest Control Products ActRoutine Proceedings

3:50 p.m.

The Speaker

I note that the hon. member for Glengarry—Prescott—Russell appears to be moving Motion No. 7 on today's order paper and the hon. member for Prince George—Peace River appears to be moving Motion No. 42 on today's order paper. The member can guess which one I am going to call first, given the practice to call these in the order in which they appear on the order paper.

Accordingly, the hon. member for Glengarry—Prescott—Russell may move his motion.

Committees of the HouseRoutine Proceedings

3:50 p.m.

Liberal

Don Boudria Liberal Glengarry—Prescott—Russell, ON

Mr. Speaker, I move that the 21st report of the Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs, presented on Wednesday, December 15, 2004, be concurred in. As hon. members know, I have the honour of presiding this committee.

The matter that we were dealing with in the report in question was the question of privilege regarding the free movement of members within the parliamentary precinct. An event occurred, as we all remember, during the visit of President George W. Bush to Ottawa on November 30, 2004.

As we all know, at the time, the matter was brought to the attention of the House by one of our colleagues. I too reacted when it was brought to our attention that parliamentarians had been denied access to Parliament Hill, not at any odd time, not only while Parliament was in session—which is already a breach of our privileges—but more specifically on a day when the House was sitting, at times when Parliament was in session and when this House was to be sitting.

What was odd also was the very selective nature of the restrictions enforced. For example, there was the dean of this House, the hon. member for Winnipeg. I forget what his riding is called; it used to be called Winnipeg--Bird's Hill, but it has changed names since. He has been the MP for that riding for over 20 years. I apologize to my hon. colleague for forgetting the new name of his riding. I shall therefore refer to him as the hon. member for Winnipeg--Bird's Hill. He too had difficulty accessing Parliament Hill from the east side of Parliament.

My own office is located in the West Block and that morning I had to go to a parliamentary committee across the street, in the Wellington building. I stayed there for a while and then came back. At that location, restrictions were not very strict. It was rather easy to have access to Parliament.

Meanwhile, the hon. member for Winnipeg--Bird's Hill, who is not just anybody, since he is the dean of this House—of course, all members enjoy the same rights, but I think it was even symbolic in his case—was not able to access Parliament. There was this fence around Parliament that we are all familiar with. However, he had not even made it that far. It seems that he was not far from the Château Laurier Hotel, which is named after one of our great prime ministers, a Liberal Prime Minister. At that location he was told he could not go to Parliament. He and other parliamentarians replied that they were members of Parliament and that they had the right to go to Parliament. A Toronto police officer told them that it did not matter who they were, and he prevented them from going any further. I did not know that the rights of a Toronto police officer took precedence over those of parliamentarians. But we found this out on that day, at least based on the opinion of that member of the security forces. I am not saying this to marginalize the role of security forces, but at some point some authorities had a serious oversight when they forgot to explain to security officers their role on Parliament Hill, which was to protect parliamentarians. That part of the briefing was probably forgotten.

Still, the member and the other parliamentarians mentioned that the briefing was inadequate and that he should ask someone else or call his superior, and so on. Finally, a superior arrived and allowed the member and his parliamentary colleagues to pass.

Now, imagine that, if you will. The member was denied access to Parliament and had to become exceedingly angry before being allowed to pass. Once within the precinct, he realized there were hundreds of demonstrators. Parliament Hill was therefore off limits to members, but open to people demonstrating against President Bush, alleging that he was a terrorist, or I don't know what, with all sorts of offensive placards in front of Parliament, while the parliamentarians were denied access.

Now I remember the name of the member's riding, it is Elmwood—Transcona.

The member for Elmwood—Transcona, the dean of this House, had a hard time comprehending all that, and he is not alone.

The matter was discussed in the House. There was a motion, identifying the matter as one of privilege, on the face of it. The entire matter was referred to the parliamentary committee it is my honour to chair.

We found some rather puzzling things in committee. For instance, it was not obvious to anyone in security that the member of Parliament identification badge was recognized by the authority, with the exception of Parliament Hill security and the RCMP provided they were the usual RCMP people who took care of the Hill. They are familiar with the button which most MPs wear and should wear in this chamber. The button is the instrument by which we identify ourselves. It is not foolproof, but it jogs the memory of a security agent indicating that the individual is a member of Parliament. The other place has a similar button but it is a different colour.

We also have an MP identification card, a security pass, on which our photo appears and which is duly signed by our Speaker. I believe some colleagues presented it to police officers, but the officers did not know what it was. The police officers in charge of security did not know what the security badge was let alone check to see if that badge was in conformity with the norm. That was the difficulty with which our committee had to deal.

I do not think there was bad faith on the part of anyone, but there was some sloppiness in terms of how this was administered. We live in a democracy which we cherish and we want it to continue. My colleagues on this side of the House want this Parliament to continue functioning for a long time as do just about all Canadians, certainly the ones I spoke to recently. Canadians want us here and do not want an election called just because the Leader of the Opposition rented his campaign bus or whatever he did over the weekend.

However, getting back to the issue of the report, the protection of the right of members having access to this place is one of the fundamental principles of this great institution. The earliest example we could find of this protection being asserted goes back to 1733 in the British House. There is probably another example earlier than that.

The principle that is commonly referred to is that members have access to the House free of molestation, the term described in Erskine May. It is a very important principle without which we could not function. For instance, all members of Parliament are free to come here and vote confidence in this excellent government, if I could use this as an example. If someone were to stop an MP from coming here, or in some way forced him or her to make a particular decision in that regard, that would be molestation of a member of Parliament. It is contempt of Parliament for anyone to engage in that kind of activity.

That is why we have produced this report. This privilege is sacrosanct and needs to be protected. Members of the committee were quite virulent in expressing that.

Another more recent case was brought to our attention involving an incident on May 15, 1970. I do not want to take up too much of the House's attention with this, but I think it should be stated.

You may recall that an hon. member complained at the time, in 1970, that the RCMP had prevented MPs from entering Centre Block on the eve of the visit by the Israeli foreign minister. We know that security is tight when foreign dignitaries are here, as was the case during the visit by President Bush, and is also the case when dignitaries come from certain countries where security is much higher than elsewhere. The United States and Israel are two examples, but there are others. It is a shame it has to be that way, but we agree. Such is the case.

On May 25, 1970, a long time ago, the Speaker, the late hon. Lucien Lamoureux, had decided that the right of MPs to enter the Parliament buildings free of molestation had always been a respected privilege. Hon. Lucien Lamoureux said:

This principle should be recognized even if there is some question as to the extension of the term “parliamentary precincts”, and in particular whether the jurisdiction of the Speaker ... extends beyond the limits of the Parliament buildings themselves.

In other words, we cannot say that this was an attempt to deny access to an MP outside the parliamentary precinct and that, therefore, this did not count. At one time, the hon. Lucien Lamoureux was the MP for Stormont—Dundas. I see the member for Stormont—Dundas—Charlottenburgh now. No doubt he, like me, is inspired by the hon. Lucien Lamoureux, who did such an excellent job as the MP for Stormont—Dundas. I want to come back to that ruling by the hon. Lucien Lamoureux. It was clear in his mind that parliamentarians, whether inside or outside the parliamentary precinct, could not be denied access to Parliament.

As a result, our committee took this matter under consideration. We heard from numerous witnesses, who appeared before us to talk about parliamentary privilege. Of course, our staff and our clerk assisted us. Many others made representations to us. We heard from police authorities, and it became clear that there had been a serious lack of communication between said police authorities.

However, no matter how we cut it, someone telling the dean of Parliament, “I am from Toronto and you are not going by here”, does not exactly meet the threshold of subverting what are the rights of members of this House.

In any case, I conclude by reminding the House of the recommendations and the findings of our committee. Our committee said this:

The Committee finds that the privileges of the House of Commons and its Members were breached on November 30, 2004 by the security precautions established for the visit of U.S. President George W. Bush. The denial of access, and significant delays, experienced by Members of the House constitute a contempt of the House.

This is very serious.

The committee is of the opinion that the various police forces and security services involved must take corrective measures immediately to prevent this from ever happening again. For example, I hope that the Board of Internal Economy will write to the police forces asking what steps they have taken to ensure that this never happens again, in accordance with our conclusions.

I will read on:

The Committee further recommends that the Sergeant-at-Arms and the RCMP provide written reports to the Committee by the end of February 2005 outlining the specific measures that will be taken to prevent this situation from arising in the future.

If the Speaker has received a copy of that document, it would be appreciated if he could share it with the committee I have the honour of chairing. After all, we want to know what actions have been taken. Furthermore, if this has not yet been done and if the RCMP and other forces have not yet taken specific measures, I hope that they will be contacted shortly asking them to do so as soon as possible.

Those were the recommendations we made when this incident occurred.

In conclusion, we said in our committee:

The Committee recommends to the Speaker and the Board of Internal Economy that as a matter of urgency it enter into discussions to merge the House of Commons and Senate security services into a unified parliamentary security service for by January 1st, 2006.

Some would argue this is a little off topic in a way. The difficulty that parliamentarians experienced here was not with the House security nor with the Senate security. I would not want anyone to think that was the case.

In any case, I think some on the other side are urging us to move to orders of the day. I seem to be hearing that on their part. Maybe that is what they want to do and perhaps the House leader could tell us if that is the case. I thought there was another motion to concur in a committee report. That was explained to us by the House leader of the official opposition so it is perfectly in order to raise the report. Because it has to do with a question of privilege, it is important that we do so now.

In any case, getting back to parliamentary security, I have worked on Parliament Hill for a very long time. As many people will know, I started here almost 39 years ago. We have always had the two security staffs on the Hill. I would be the first to admit that we need to unite both security staffs under one central authority. We have done so with a number of other services which are far less crucial. For example, we do not have a Senate parliamentary restaurant. We have an institution for both. We do not have two separate libraries. We have unified those services and it is to the better functioning of Parliament. Therefore, I am all in favour of doing that. On this issue the threshold is even higher but because it is, it is also a little touchy for some people.

I wish I could say more about this and perhaps during question and comments I will do so.