Madam Speaker, like my hon. colleague from Abitibi—Baie-James—Nunavik—Eeyou, I too am quite puzzled by the Liberal strategy. I cannot understand why a government that claims to want Parliament to work would put forward a motion to delay the business of the House. I have never seen anything like that in the British parliamentary system, and I have been sitting in this House for 20 years. Usually, motions are brought forward by the opposition parties in an effort to delay legislation which they want to amend, because they want more time to explain what it is all about to the public.
But today, we have the ruling party putting forward a committee motion on security, which has already been debated, and bringing the whole thing back to the floor of the House for three hours for no reason, and we learn at the same time that it has 43 other similar motions to present. This means that it will be another 43 sittings before Parliament can consider any of the current bills. That is incredible. The government itself is blocking its own legislation. I do not understand how the NDP can applaud that. I said NDP, but I should have said NLP, or New Liberal Party, given that the party's designation changed over the past week.
I was listening to the Liberal member who spoke just before me saying that Canadians do not want an election, that they are in no hurry and that we should wait for the report of the Gomery inquiry. I have here in my hands an article from the Journal de Montréal from May 9, 2004. A week and a half before the election was called, what did the current Prime Minister say? He said, “Canadians know enough about the sponsorships. We will call an election immediately.” He has changed his tune a year later. It was in the paper.
Why did they call the election? There was a poll indicating that there would likely be a Liberal majority government. It was political opportunism. Given the history of the Liberal Party, it is no surprise they acted that way. Think back to 1979, when the Conservative government of Joe Clark brought down its budget. On December 10, in the middle of winter, the Liberals defeated the government and forced an election during the holidays. That election was held in the first week of February because at the time we had eight weeks to campaign instead of 33 days. Why did they not wait to defeat the government? The polls were in their favour, that is why, so they defeated the government.
When Prime Minister Chrétien won a majority in 1993, did he stay in power the full five years for which he had been elected? No, with a new Conservative leader in the wings, he decided to call an election at a cost of $250 million to $300 million, after only three years and three months out of political opportunism—the polls were good—in order to destabilize that party. It worked. Three years and three months later, he did it again. In 10 years of being in power, Jean Chrétien went before the electorate three times out of political opportunism. He called three elections when there should have been only two, if he had stayed for the duration of the majority government mandate for which he had been elected. He could not claim that Parliament was not working. Such is the history of the Liberal Party, political opportunism.
Let us now talk about the by-election the Liberal Party called in Sherbrooke, immediately following the departure of Jean Charest for Quebec. It was called right in the middle of the opposition party leadership race.