House of Commons Hansard #93 of the 45th Parliament, 1st session. (The original version is on Parliament's site.) The word of the day was c-9.

Topics

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Silver Alert National Framework Act First reading of Bill C-263. The bill creates a national framework for “silver alerts” to help locate missing seniors with dementia, requiring federal cooperation with provincial and law enforcement authorities to improve rapid response times during critical emergency situations. 200 words.

Jury Duty Appreciation Week Act First reading of Bill S-226. The bill establishes the second week of May as Jury Duty Appreciation Week in Canada, aiming to raise awareness, honor jurors, and address concerns regarding their mental health support and financial compensation. 200 words.

Petitions

Motion That Debate Be Not Further Adjourned Members debate the Liberal motion to end the adjournment of debate on Bill C-9, which aims to address hate crimes. Conservatives accuse the government of overly broad legislation that threatens religious freedom and express concern over the removal of religious exemptions. The Minister of Justice defends the bill, pledging to add clarifying amendments protecting faith practices and arguing that Conservatives are obstructing proceedings for political gain. 5300 words, 35 minutes.

Consideration of Government Business No.6 Members debate Bill C-9, the Combatting Hate Act, as the Liberal government pushes to pass legislation addressing rising hate crimes, arguing it provides necessary tools to stop harassment and intimidation at places of worship. Conservative MPs contend that existing Criminal Code provisions are sufficient, arguing that the bill’s removal of the religious defence creates a chilling effect on free expression. The Bloc Québécois supports the bill, emphasizing the need to close legal loopholes currently hindering the prosecution of hate speech. 19100 words, 2 hours.

Statements by Members

Question Period

The Conservatives demand action on rising food prices and inflationary taxes. They blame Liberal policies for the shrinking economy, criticize the failure to deport IRGC agents, and decry violence on streets. They also call for a public inquiry into the Tumbler Ridge tragedy and the removal of interprovincial trade barriers.
The Liberals emphasize actions against the IRGC and protecting places of worship. They defend affordability measures and argue the industrial carbon price has no impact on food costs. The government highlights LNG project expansion, modernizing senior benefits, and efforts toward Middle East de-escalation. They also focus on men’s mental health and Indigenous child welfare reform.
The Bloc questions the government's Middle East strategy and coordination with allies. They demand relief for inflation and housing costs and criticize the Cúram system failures that have impacted 85,000 seniors' pensions.
The NDP accuses the Prime Minister of betraying his commitment to the UN Charter by supporting illegal warfare. They also condemn the closure of a Quebec agricultural research centre and its impact on food security.

Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9 Members debate a programming motion to accelerate the passage of Bill C-9, the *Combatting Hate Act*. Liberals argue the legislation is essential for protecting communities from rising hate crimes and intimidation. Conservatives express strong opposition, particularly to the removal of the good-faith religious defence, warning it could criminalize sacred texts and infringes on civil liberties. The House passes the motion, which restricts further committee debate and sets timelines for a final vote. 26200 words, 4 hours in 2 segments: 1 2.

Corrections and Conditional Release Act Second reading of Bill C-232. The bill, proposed by the Conservative Party, seeks to modify the Corrections and Conditional Release Act by mandating maximum-security confinement for dangerous offenders and serial murderers. While Conservative members argue the change restores balance for victimized families, opposing Liberals and Bloc MPs maintain that judicial independence and rehabilitative goals are essential, expressing concern that the legislation is overly rigid and potentially unconstitutional. 7500 words, 1 hour.

Food and Drugs Act Second reading of Bill C-224. The bill proposes amending the Food and Drugs Act to remove natural health products from the "therapeutic products" category, reversing 2023 budget legislation that Conservatives term regulatory overreach. While debate highlights concerns regarding freedom of choice and industry viability, proponents and opposing parties emphasize the necessity of maintaining consumer safety standards. The motion passed, referring the legislation to the Standing Committee on Health. 6100 words, 45 minutes.

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Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

11:45 a.m.

Winnipeg North Manitoba

Liberal

Kevin Lamoureux LiberalParliamentary Secretary to the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons

Madam Speaker, the member was a part of the Doug Ford government at one point, and the Doug Ford government would have had the opportunity to do some of the things that he is advocating for here. Can the member give a clear indication as to why he was so ineffective in getting the Doug Ford government to take some of the actions he is telling the government to do? I find his assertions to be absolutely ridiculous.

At a time when we have communities across the country looking at initiatives, such as this bill, that will make a difference, and it was a part of an election platform, why is it that the member, whom I would maybe characterize as being a little over to the right and maybe even possibly to the far right, feels fundamentally that legislation of this nature is bad for freedom?

Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

11:45 a.m.

Conservative

Roman Baber Conservative York Centre, ON

Madam Speaker, I have just articulated a sensible legal argument in response to the legislation. Anybody who does not agree with the member is, apparently, far right. Normal people, middle-of-the-line centrists, are now far right according to the Liberal Party.

I am proud of my time in the Ford government. I wear my time in the Ford government and the provincial legislature as a badge of honour.

Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

11:45 a.m.

Conservative

Tamara Kronis Conservative Nanaimo—Ladysmith, BC

Madam Speaker, Canadians are now very familiar with Václav Havel's greengrocer, who displays a sign in his window not because he believes it but because it is what one does, what is familiar and what is required.

In Davos, the Prime Minister talked about taking the sign out of the window. Today, I want to talk about how the sign got there in the first place, because Havel's parable was a warning, a warning about how democracy and freedom degrade when we create a society where people say what they are supposed to say, regardless of what they believe, and about the problems that arise when the only acceptable speech is narrowed to what is written on signs. As many of those who have immigrated to this great country will tell us, where there are signs in windows, the signs always start out fine. The problem is that there inevitably comes a time when the people in charge change the signs, and by the time they do, it is always too late. There is no more room for dissent, and the people who helped put up the signs find that they have become prisoners in the very system they helped build.

The problem is that when the signs first go up, people like them. They are reassuring. They create a sense of moral clarity for the majority whose views are reflected in them, but that comfort comes at an unacceptable cost. When societies begin rewarding the display of approved ideas instead of the honest exchange of them, something essential begins to erode. It surprises me that the government of a Prime Minister who invoked Havel's greengrocer would be allowed to do what it is doing today. Members should make no mistake about it. This motion and the sentiments behind it, along with the bill, are a giant sign in a very small window. That is where the real risks to our society begin.

If the story of Bill C-9 were a play, we would now be in the third act. In the first act, when the bill was introduced, I raised three serious concerns in the chamber, two of which have not been fixed in committee. The first is the vagueness of the bill's definition of hate. Criminal law must be clear and precise. When definitions are vague, they create uncertainty about what speech will be criminalized, and that creates an opportunity for weaponization outside of the criminal system. The second is the reality that the laws we already have in Canada to combat hate and incitement to violence on the basis of hate are not being enforced. Where provincial governments are unwilling or unable to enforce existing words, adding more words is not going to help.

The concerns I expressed were not Conservative. They are shared by a remarkably broad coalition of Canadians. Religious organizations and civil liberties groups from across the political spectrum have raised similar alarms. Groups as diverse as the United Church of Canada, the Canadian Muslim Public Affairs Council, the Evangelical Fellowship of Canada, the Christian Legal Fellowship, the Canadian Conference of Catholic Bishops and the rabbinical council of Toronto all sounded the alarm about the bill's potential impact on freedom of expression and religious liberty. A rabbi, a priest and an imam literally approached the bar of the House of Commons, and the government ignored them. Despite those concerns, we moved the bill to committee because we agreed with its stated objectives. No one in the House supports hatred or violence directed at any community. Canadians expect Parliament to confront both.

That brings us to the second act. At committee, the Liberals and the Bloc Québécois amended the bill to remove the long-standing religious defence contained in section 319 of the Criminal Code. This defence protects statements made in good faith on a religious subject based on belief in a religious text. That is where everything went off the rails.

This defence has never protected the deliberate promotion of hatred or calls for violence. It exists to ensure that Canadians can express sincere religious beliefs without fear that their words could be criminalized simply because someone else finds them offensive. It also exists so that dialogue can happen that might cause people to change those views. When the Liberal-Bloc amendment passed, it immediately revealed the danger that many of us had warned about. Within hours, people online were celebrating the change and claiming that individuals could now be prosecuted for expressing traditional religious views. That is not what the law actually says, but the reaction illustrates the chilling effect that the amendment creates. It encourages the belief that the Criminal Code can now be used to silence views that people dislike.

Canada's legal tradition has long recognized the importance of state neutrality in matters of faith. Parliament included the religious defence in the hate propaganda provisions because it understood that criminal law must not be used to police religious doctrine. The state must not edit the Bible. Our courts have recognized that balance. In the Keegstra decision, the Supreme Court upheld Canada's hate propaganda laws in part because of the safeguards Parliament had included, including the protection for good-faith religious expression that the House now seeks to remove.

Parliament has revisited these provisions several times over the decades, as new groups were added to the Criminal Code. Each time, members across party lines concluded that protecting vulnerable communities and protecting freedom of religion must go hand in hand. Removing that safeguard continues to risk upsetting a constitutional balance that has been carefully managed for decades.

Then, during the parliamentary break, something interesting happened. The government began hearing from Canadians who did not want the sign in the window. Canadians from across the political and religious spectrum were alarmed at the direction the bill has taken. One might have expected the government to reflect and reconsider, but instead it decided to shut down debate on its own bill, just a few minutes ago, which brings us to the third act.

We are now debating Bill C-9 under time constraints because the government is determined to pass it quickly, even if that means passing it in a way that restricts our ability to continue to have dialogue about these topics in society. The irony is difficult to miss. When government seeks to expand the power of the state to regulate expression while restricting debate about those powers, Parliament should pause, because the danger is not only that the law might punish the wrong people. The deeper danger is that it may change how people speak to each other in the first place.

Canada can and must confront hatred, but criminal law must be precise, restrained and grounded in constitutional principles. I return to the very arguments I stood to make in the House in September, in the first act of the discussion on the bill. If we are serious about addressing hatred, I remain convinced and reiterate that the first step is to work with the provinces and municipalities to enforce the laws we already have. The Criminal Code already prohibits the wilful promotion of hatred and the incitement of violence. Those provisions should be applied consistently and effectively.

If real gaps exist, Parliament can address them, but any changes must be carefully drafted and respectful of the charter rights that define our country. What we should not do is expand vague criminal provisions, remove long-standing safeguards for religious expression and then rush the legislation through Parliament by shutting down debate. That approach does not strengthen public confidence in the law. It weakens it, for those who feel threatened.

A free society should never push its citizens toward the greengrocer's window where the safest choice is to display the approved message and keep one's real beliefs to oneself, and Parliament should never pass a law that risks creating that pressure in the first place.

Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

11:55 a.m.

Winnipeg North Manitoba

Liberal

Kevin Lamoureux LiberalParliamentary Secretary to the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons

Madam Speaker, less than a year ago, Canadians elected a new Prime Minister. A part of the Liberal election platform was that we would deal with the issue of hate, which is very real and tangible. We brought in legislation months ago, and the Conservatives have made the decision that they do not want to see the hate legislation.

The Conservative Party does not make up the majority of the members of Parliament. The Conservative Party's intention is to never let the legislation pass, even though it was a campaign commitment. Another opposition party has decided that it is time we allow this legislation to pass. Therefore, we have a majority of members of Parliament saying that it is time. How is that anti-democratic?

The only party that is being anti-democratic on this issue is the Conservative Party, because its members refuse to accept the legislation in terms of allowing it to go through the process when a majority of MPs want to see it go through the process.

Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

11:55 a.m.

Conservative

Tamara Kronis Conservative Nanaimo—Ladysmith, BC

Madam Speaker, I am not sure that the hon. member listened to my speech. I have just engaged in detail with the views of the government. I am not saying the government does not have the right to pass any legislation it can get through the House. What I am saying is that it ought to think twice about what it has heard from Canadians about the legislation. I am suggesting that the government ought to consider that it is limiting debate on a conversation that is not finished.

Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

11:55 a.m.

Bloc

Gabriel Ste-Marie Bloc Joliette—Manawan, QC

Madam Speaker, a few years ago, preacher Adil Charkaoui said the following at a demonstration: “Allah, take care of these Zionist aggressors. Allah, take care of the enemies of the people of Gaza. Allah, identify them all, then exterminate them. And don't spare any of them.”

Quebec's director of criminal and penal prosecutions said that he did not have the tools to make an arrest following these hatred-promoting remarks. According to Eta Yudin, the vice-president of the Quebec branch of the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs, this shows clear gaps in the Criminal Code, which has not been adapted to protect the public from hate speech.

Here is my question for my colleague: Should the government take action in that regard?

Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

Noon

Conservative

Tamara Kronis Conservative Nanaimo—Ladysmith, BC

Madam Speaker, the position that law enforcement officers and criminal lawyers have taken is that the existing provisions of the Criminal Code are sufficient to deal with that situation. The government has not put forward any argument to suggest that the changes that would be made by this bill would result in that arrest. In fact, I would be willing to go so far as to predict right now that the day after Bill C-9 is passed, no one would be arrested who could not be arrested today.

Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

Noon

Conservative

Scott Anderson Conservative Vernon—Lake Country—Monashee, BC

Madam Speaker, recently a Canadian journalist was fined three-quarters of a million dollars for observing that there are only two genders. The reason I mention this is that it is an example of how well-meant but subjective ideas can slide sideways into something that is completely against free speech.

Could my colleague elaborate on why it is so important that any changes to the system fully respect the freedoms guaranteed under the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms, particularly the freedom of religion, and what safeguards she believes should be included to ensure those rights remain protected?

Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

Noon

Conservative

Tamara Kronis Conservative Nanaimo—Ladysmith, BC

Madam Speaker, within an hour of the Liberal-Bloc amendment to remove the defence of religious freedoms associated with the Criminal Code provisions in section 319, I received a text from a constituent saying how delighted that person was that these changes had passed so that a whole bunch of people could now be thrown in jail.

I made this comment at committee. I do not for one second think that enforcement is going to change as a result of this bill being passed. I do think there will be a whole bunch of words thrown around, a whole bunch of allegations made, and it is going to take us years to sort out the legal mess that results from people's opinions about the consequences of changing these provisions in the code.

Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

Noon

Brampton North—Caledon Ontario

Liberal

Ruby Sahota LiberalSecretary of State (Combatting Crime)

Mr. Speaker, I will be splitting my time with the member for Dorval—Lachine—LaSalle.

Every Canadian should be able to walk into their place of worship, send their children to school or gather in their community without fear. They should not have to look over their shoulder or wonder whether someone outside is shouting threats, blocking the entrance or intimidating them simply because of who they are, yet for too many Canadians today, that fear is real.

During the last week, I visited synagogue Beth Avraham Yoseph of Toronto, Temple Emanu-El and the Shaarei Shomayim congregation in Toronto. Those synagogues have been victim to shooting incidents. I also visited the Toronto Islamic Centre, which was recently in the news for receiving threats of a mass shooting. That is precisely why, in September, having seen the rise of hate crimes in our community, our government introduced Bill C-9, the combatting hate act. This legislation is about protecting Canadians and defending a basic principle that in Canada, every person should be able to gather, worship and live in their community without fear or intimidation.

The bill takes three clear steps to make that principle real. First, the bill would create two new offences to stop people from intimidating or blocking others from entering places used by their communities, such as places of worship or community centres. For example, it would make it illegal to block the entrance of a synagogue or mosque to stop people from going inside to pray. We had heard from many community groups that due to the rise in protests happening at places of worship, they needed the federal government to put forward legislation like this so that it could apply across the country. We have seen municipalities and some provinces recently step up, but they had asked the federal government to act. That is exactly what we are doing with this bill.

Second, it would create a stand-alone hate-motivated offence. Right now, if someone attacks a person because of their faith, identity or skin colour, they can be charged with assault, and the hate motive is only considered later at sentencing. This is a very important point. It has been brought up many times here today that this bill would not change anything. That is not true. Right now, the hate motivation would only be considered at sentencing. Under this bill, the hate motive would be recognized in the offence itself from the start, which would then have an impact on bail hearings and many other preliminary hearings.

Third, it would address the wilful promotion of hatred through the public display of hate or terrorist symbols. This is a very important point that many communities have brought to our attention. There have been, even on Parliament Hill, the display of terrorist symbols at Canada's Parliament.

Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

Noon

An hon. member

Shame.

Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

Noon

Liberal

Ruby Sahota Liberal Brampton North—Caledon, ON

Mr. Speaker, that is shameful, and we are going to put a stop to that. This would not criminalize the mere display of a symbol, but it would target situations where symbols like Nazi imagery are shown in public with the clear intention of promoting hatred against certain communities. This motion calls on the justice committee to put an end to the obstruction and delay tactics that have prevented progress on the combatting hate act, which has now been before the committee for over six months.

Canadians might be surprised by this delay. After all, much of what is in Bill C-9 comes directly from the December 2024 fighting anti-Semitism report of the justice committee. Many members took part in this committee's hearings. This was a special anti-Semitism report that called for these types of steps to be taken. It called on the government to introduce measures to define “hate”, create a stand-alone hate crime offence and criminalize intimidation targeting religious groups. As a news flash to many Conservative colleagues who took an active part in this committee, all of these measures are in Bill C-9.

Fast-forward from the Conservatives of 2024 to the Conservatives of 2026, and suddenly the very measures they once backed are now being blocked and delayed in committee. Canadians are left asking a simple question: Which Conservatives should they believe, the ones from 2024 who said Parliament must act against hate, or the 2026 Trumpian-style Conservatives who now stand in the way of legislating against the hatred and intimidation our most vulnerable communities are facing?

Parliament has already spent significant time debating this bill. Since September 2025, it has been debated in the House and studied extensively at committee with over 30 witnesses heard, amendments proposed and every clause examined. In total, more than 35 hours have been spent studying a bill that is only eight pages long. We have spent 35 hours studying eight pages. That is thorough scrutiny.

I recognize it may have been tempting for a small number of Conservative MPs to spread false claims that this bill would threaten religious freedom and free speech, and to use those claims to raise a few dollars from faith communities at rallies. Even in the face of that, the Liberals were willing to work with them. We were ready to find common ground and added a clause for greater certainty stating clearly that the right to pray, teach or quote religious texts would not be affected.

After all, we are the party that literally enshrined freedom of religion in one of the most important documents in this country: the charter. Unfortunately, even after we responded to concerns raised by a few Conservative MPs, and even after religious communities from across the country backed this new clarifying amendment and asked Parliament to move forward, Conservatives at the justice committee still kept obstructing.

Canadians see this. Canadians get frustrated when they see Conservative members like the member for Elgin—St. Thomas—London South spend hours speaking about his admiration for cats and dogs, instead of addressing the issue of hate in this country. The member is the Leader of the Opposition's designated champion on fighting hate, yet this is the same member who previously claimed that the observation of the Polytechnique shooting was a fake holiday, the same member who defended Holocaust deniers on the radio by suggesting that saying the Holocaust never happened is free speech and the same member who stood up for Pegida, a white supremacist organization, after the 2017 Quebec City mosque attack that left six men dead. They were fathers, sons and husbands who were killed while praying by a vile person who admired the same group.

Canadians get frustrated when they see the Conservative member for York Centre waste an entire committee meeting talking about what he had for lunch, while synagogues in his own country, in his own community, are facing threats and while CIJA, the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs, is asking him and Parliament to pass Bill C-9 quickly. The member for York Centre was elected to bring the voice of his community to Parliament. Many people in his community are asking him to support this anti-hate bill that would help keep them safe. Instead of bringing his community's voice to Ottawa, he is bringing his leader's voice back to his community. That is not the duty of a member of Parliament. I believe that the member supports this bill because I have seen him work constructively in committee. I know he appreciated the amendment we introduced to clarify that religious freedom would not be affected by this legislation. I believe he would like to move forward and represent his community, but his leader is telling him not to.

Page 19 of our platform made a clear commitment to Canadians. It promised to criminalize intimidation and obstruction targeting those who simply want to access their community centres and places of worship, and to strengthen protections for communities facing hate-motivated crimes. Canadians, including the people of Carleton, made their choice at the ballot box and want us to implement the commitments in the platform. Bill C-9 delivers on those promises.

For more than six months now, communities across the country have been waiting for Parliament to act. Jewish communities facing rising anti-Semitism, Muslim communities facing Islamophobia, Christians seeing their churches being burned and many other vulnerable communities who simply want to gather, worship and live safely have been asking us to move forward.

That is why this motion calls on the justice committee to finally complete—

Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

12:10 p.m.

The Assistant Deputy Speaker John Nater

The hon. member's time has expired.

The hon. member for Sherwood Park—Fort Saskatchewan.

Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

12:10 p.m.

Conservative

Garnett Genuis Conservative Sherwood Park—Fort Saskatchewan, AB

Mr. Speaker, I have known that member for a long time and, frankly, she is normally a lot better than that. Maybe this illustrates the pitfalls of reading a speech written by political staff, because that speech contained a litany of false personal attacks and no engagement with the substance of the bill.

Here is the reality. Faith communities across this country have raised significant concerns about this bill, in particular the religious defence. That religious defence issue was a late amendment that was not studied at all at committee. There were no witnesses called to testify on the issue of religious defence. It was a backroom deal cooked up by the Liberals and the Bloc.

There is not a single faith community that had these concerns before that has been placated by the fake compromise of the Liberals. Why did she choose not to address these serious, substantive problems with the bill and to instead resort to personal attacks?

Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

12:10 p.m.

Liberal

Ruby Sahota Liberal Brampton North—Caledon, ON

Mr. Speaker, anything that I mentioned in my speech is a matter of public record. Nothing I have said has been false. It has all been documented, whether it is on record at the committee stage or in past statements made by Conservative members, which are well documented, either on radio airwaves or in articles. I stand by everything I have said.

Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

12:15 p.m.

Winnipeg North Manitoba

Liberal

Kevin Lamoureux LiberalParliamentary Secretary to the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons

Mr. Speaker, I really appreciate what the secretary of state has put on the record, which in a very significant way reflects the reality of how the Conservative Party has really changed and moved further to the right. We can compare the Conservative Party of just a couple of years ago, when they were supporting initiatives of this nature, to the party under the current leadership that appears to oppose it. I really questioned the motivation, at least until I received an email. In that email, they were spreading misinformation and using “donate here” buttons in order to generate funds.

It seems to me that the motivating factor for the Conservative Party is more about the Conservative Party than the public interest of Canada.

Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

12:15 p.m.

Liberal

Ruby Sahota Liberal Brampton North—Caledon, ON

Mr. Speaker, this bill was debated at the second reading stage. For those watching, the second reading stage is before the bill even goes to committee, and even at that time, there were several Conservative members who spoke against the bill and had lots of reservations about the bill.

Now they claim that the only time they had reservations was when the freedom of religion defence came up in committee. Even when that amendment came up and was discussed at the committee, every witness at committee was questioned about it. There was discussion. For the member to state that there was no discussion on the issue is disingenuous. He could go back and see all the video clips and film from the committee hearings or he could read all about it.

Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

12:15 p.m.

Conservative

Larry Brock Conservative Brantford—Brant South—Six Nations, ON

Mr. Speaker, I want to again clear up misleading information from the Liberal Party and the secretary of state for crime, who is the author of that. She was not at committee. I was at committee for each and every meeting. There was not one witness called by the Liberal Party of Canada in support of the removal of this 50-year-old defence. Not one question was put to any witnesses by any Liberal committee members in support of the removal of the defence.

Why do the political interests of the Liberal Party of Canada take precedence over Canadians?

Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

March 10th, 2026 / 12:15 p.m.

Liberal

Ruby Sahota Liberal Brampton North—Caledon, ON

Mr. Speaker, there were many questions brought up by members of the committee. The discussion happened amongst all members of the committee. That is my clarification for that. Plus, it is so essential that we ban these hate symbols that are used to intimidate and promote terrorism in our country. The Conservatives are against that. Why is that?

Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

12:15 p.m.

Liberal

Anju Dhillon Liberal Dorval—Lachine—LaSalle, QC

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to speak about the motion before the House, but also about something larger than procedure. I rise to speak about responsibility, the responsibility we hold as legislators when Canadians are facing real threats in their communities.

Bill C-9, the combatting hate act, has now been before Parliament for months. It was introduced on September 19, 2025. It has been debated in the House. It has been studied at committee. More than 20 witnesses have appeared before the Standing Committee on Justice and Human Rights. Parliament has now spent more than 30 hours debating and studying this legislation.

That is what we call serious scrutiny. That is responsible legislative review, yet despite all of that work, the bill remains stalled, not because Canadians are uncertain about confronting hate and not because the legislation has not been studied, but because procedural tactics have been used to delay the moment when Parliament must make a decision.

I want to speak plainly today. Members of the House are free to oppose legislation. They are free to disagree with provisions. They are free to vote against a clause. They are free to vote against the amendment, and they are free to vote against the entire bill. That is democracy, but democracy also requires that Parliament eventually vote. It cannot function if legislation can be delayed indefinitely through procedural manoeuvres. Members of the opposition have had months to present their arguments. They have had hours and hours and hours to debate. They have had the opportunity to propose amendments throughout many, many months. What they do not have is the right to stall Parliament indefinitely, because while this chamber debates procedure, something else is happening outside these walls.

Communities across Canada are facing rising hate and intimidation. We see it in the data. We see it in police reports, and we see it on the news. Just recently, shots were fired at a synagogue in the greater Toronto area. Shots were fired at a place of worship, a place where people gather and pray, a place where families bring children, a place where Canadians should feel free and protected. That incident is not isolated. Jewish communities have reported rising threats. Mosques have reported rising threats and facing intimidation, and many other religious institutions have been subjected to hate crimes. Community centres from all backgrounds have been targeted, and hateful symbols have appeared outside schools and cultural institutions.

These are not theoretical concerns. They are real events affecting real people. When Canadians see incidents like this, they expect Parliament to respond with seriousness and efficiency. They expect Parliament to strengthen protections, and they expect Parliament to act.

Bill C-9 is part of that response. The legislation does three simple things. First, it creates an offence to prevent people from blocking or intimidating others who are trying to enter places like synagogues, mosques, churches, schools, community centres and any other places of worship. Second, it creates a stand-alone, hate-motivated offence, so that when crimes are committed because of hatred toward a person's identity, the law recognizes that harm clearly. Third, it addresses the public display of symbols used to promote hatred and intimidate communities.

These are practical measures. They are targeted measures, and they respond directly to what communities have been asking Parliament to address. The legislation before us is only eight pages long, eight pages, yet Parliament has now spent more than 30 hours studying it. Witnesses have testified. Experts have spoken. Communities have shared their experiences. Amendments have been debated. That is thorough scrutiny by any reasonable standard, yet the delays continue.

Much of the opposition's argument has focused on the removal of the religious exemption provision in the Criminal Code. Let us examine that argument carefully. Freedom of religion in Canada is protected by the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. That protection is fundamental. It is one of the cornerstones of our constitutional system, and it is not changing. Courts in Canada have repeatedly confirmed that hate propaganda offences require an extremely high legal threshold. That threshold requires proof that someone wilfully promoted hatred against an identifiable group. Reading scripture does not meet that threshold. Teaching religious doctrine does not meet that threshold. Practising one's faith does not meet that threshold. Those freedoms remain fully protected.

In fact, the religious exemption provisions that have become the focus of this debate have never been relied upon in a prosecution, not once. The protection for religious expression in Canada comes from the charter and from the high legal threshold built into the Criminal Code of Canada. Nevertheless, concerns were raised, and when those concerns were raised, Parliament responded responsibly. A “for greater certainty” clause was introduced to explicitly confirm that peaceful religious expression, including sermons, teachings and discussion of scripture, would never be criminalized under this legislation. That clarification was introduced in good faith. It addressed the concern directly, and it reaffirmed what the charter already guarantees, but even after the clarification, the delay continued.

Canadians watching this debate might reasonably ask a simple question. If the Charter protects religious freedom, if the courts already set a very high threshold, and if the bill now contains an explicit clarification protecting religious expression, then why does the delay continue? That is a question members of the opposition should answer, because Canadians expect Parliament to deal honestly with the facts, and the facts are clear: Freedom of religion is protected, and peaceful religious expression is protected.

This legislation targets something entirely different. It targets intimidation. It targets harassment. It targets the deliberate promotion of hatred. When people block the entrance to a synagogue, to a mosque or to any other place of worship to frighten worshippers, that is intimidation. When people surround a mosque, shouting threats, that is intimidation. When hateful symbols are displayed outside synagogues, schools or community centres to frighten families, that is intimidation. Canadians are asking Parliament to respond to that intimidation.

There is another consequence to this ongoing delay that we must acknowledge. Parliament's time is not unlimited. Every hour spent delaying one bill is an hour that cannot be spent advancing other legislation, including legislation addressing public safety, legislation addressing justice reform and legislation addressing economic issues that Canadians expect Parliament to address. When procedural tactics are used to stall legislation indefinitely, they slow the entire work of Parliament. That is not responsible opposition.

Responsible opposition means debating legislation seriously. Responsible opposition means proposing amendments. Responsible opposition means voting according to one's principles. What it does not mean is preventing Parliament from reaching a decision.

The motion before us today is straightforward. It would not eliminate debate. Debate has already happened for hours and hours and months and months, with more than 30 hours of it just in committee. What this motion would do is ensure that the committee could complete its work and that the House could finally vote on Bill C-9. Every member of the House would then have the opportunity to make their position clear. Those who support confronting hatred would vote for the legislation. Those who oppose would vote against it. That is how democracy functions. Canadians are watching this debate.

Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

12:25 p.m.

Conservative

Larry Brock Conservative Brantford—Brant South—Six Nations, ON

Mr. Speaker, we have heard this song before: “Trust us that the invocation of the Emergencies Act declaration is charter-compliant. Just trust us.” The then minister of justice, David Lametti, told Justice Rouleau that he could not give him his legal opinion, but just to trust him that it was charter-compliant. We all know now that it was not.

Now we are hearing the same song and dance from the Liberal Party: “Trust us, religious groups. Trust us, Canadians. Your charter rights are still protected.”

The question is very simple: Why should Canadians believe you now?

Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

12:25 p.m.

The Assistant Deputy Speaker John Nater

Again, I will remind members to address their comments through the Chair.

The hon. member for Dorval—Lachine—LaSalle.

Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

12:25 p.m.

Liberal

Anju Dhillon Liberal Dorval—Lachine—LaSalle, QC

Mr. Speaker, Canadians should believe us because there has been an increase in hate crimes that we cannot imagine. There have been 67% more religious incidents than in 2022. Those based on sexual orientation have increased by 69%.

How could we not pass this legislation? How could we not try to protect Canadians? How could we not attend to the safety of our citizens?

There is an increase in hate crime. Everybody knows that there are statistics supporting this, so yes, it is crucial that we pass this bill as soon as possible.

Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

12:25 p.m.

Bloc

Mario Beaulieu Bloc La Pointe-de-l'Île, QC

Mr. Speaker, we have a number of examples where preachers called for the death of Jews and Christians and got away with it without facing prosecution.

The same thing happened with Adil Charkaoui in 2024. The director of criminal and penal prosecutions was unable to prosecute him, claiming insufficient evidence under the Criminal Code. Even the vice-president of the Quebec branch of the Centre for Israel and Jewish Affairs said that this decision pointed to gaps in the current Canadian legal framework, and that is what the current bill will fix.

I think the bill before us will not prohibit reading biblical passages, but it will prohibit using them to make death threats or promote hatred.

Consideration of Government Business No.6Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9Government Orders

12:30 p.m.

Liberal

Anju Dhillon Liberal Dorval—Lachine—LaSalle, QC

Mr. Speaker, I thank my esteemed colleague, who explained the situation in a sensitive and intelligent way. I appreciate everything he just explained. It is really important to address this type of issue, otherwise hatred will continue.

People can say anything, whatever they want. They can incite discrimination, defamation or hatred based on beliefs or what others wear as symbols. This type of bill will help us introduce stricter sentences for this type of crime.