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Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was quebec.

Last in Parliament November 2009, as Bloc MP for Hochelaga (Québec)

Won his last election, in 2008, with 50% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Division No. 48 December 2nd, 1997

Mr. Speaker, I must ask the hon. member for Bourassa to remain calm and collected during today's discussions. I am sure the hon. member will recognize that what we said was very reasonable and I know he can be reasonable when he wants to. One has to catch him at the right moment.

Now, will the hon. member admit that there is an unspeakable contradiction in the fact that the government wants to put in a bill an offer lower than what the Canada Post Corporation, which is supposed to negotiate freely, was ready to make?

Will the hon. member admit that there is something absurd and that the real priority for the government—and I believe the members opposite should recognize that—is not the quality of life at work or the quality of service to the public but the need to get $200 million. This is the main guideline, the leitmotiv of the government. This is and has always been the main focus of the negotiations.

I believe we must act as enlightened spokespersons and recognize that this is an unacceptable mistake.

How dare the member for Bourassa, the minister of public works and the minister responsible for the Canada Labour Code say that they will talk, and talk less in favour of workers and make an offer inferior to the one Canada Post was ready to make? What rule of generosity are they obeying?

I will conclude by saying that we must stop those who are stuck in the confines of the limited logic of the Treasury Board.

Division No. 48 December 2nd, 1997

Mr. Chairman, it is always a pleasure to speak under your supervision.

I wanted to say that this is a very important amendment because, if we go for the status quo, this is purely and simply neo-liberal waffle about efficiency without any reference to the true nature of the corporation. Believe it or not, the initial wording of this provision did not even mention—what gall, and I can see the House leader nod in approval—that it was a public service.

What is at issue today, which this amendment brings into focus, is of course that one can be unionized and at the same time believe in productivity. One can be an efficient unionized worker, a unionized worker who believes that sound labour-management relations are required if we want things to go well in the workplace.

Productivity does not come out of thin air. It comes with motivation in the workplace. To be committed to one's work, one needs to feel respected. In turn, this requires that one's day-to-day working conditions be negotiated.

This particular amendment, put forward by both the Bloc and the NDP—and hopefully others will support it too—very clearly states that, in order for this productivity to be achieved, there have to be sound labour-management relations. Labour-management relations may be considered as an acceptable requirement. We are saying that how the mediator-arbitrator makes decisions and brings both parties together will have to be a clear objective. It is important that we, as parliamentarians, have the courage to say and to reaffirm this. That is what this amendment encourages us to do.

Division No. 48 December 2nd, 1997

Mr. Chairman, I am a bit surprised to hear my friend from Saint-Léonard—Saint-Michel, with whom I have had the pleasure of working.

There is a contradiction because what the Bloc is saying is that, for the process to be successful, the person who will play the very important role of mediator must be trusted by both parties. It is the first requirement of labour relations. It is not only a matter of appointing somebody; that person must be trusted by both parties.

This is so true that when the member for Saint-Léonard—Saint-Michel was labour minister, his whole philosophy was aimed at changing the Canada Labour Relations Board, which will become the Canada Industrial Relations Board, where the parties will choose from a list of potential mediators. We all know that if neither party trusts this person, the process cannot end successfully.

I find the member a bit cheeky, and I say this as a friend, because he cannot rise in this House and say that negotiations were conducted in good faith. We saw disgraceful scenes that caused parliamentarians to blush when the chief government negotiator assaulted, just like another public person, his union counterpart in an unacceptable act of violence. I think this has to be pointed out.

Mr. Chairman, I will not let the Minister of Public Works get away with saying it was provoked. This is unacceptable in any circumstance. In negotiations, violence is not the way to a solution.

Negotiations are the expression of equality in which all parties attempt to look after their interests.

Can anyone in this House deny that bargaining was not in good faith? Bargaining was not in good faith because the playing field was not level. From the outset, this government gave assurances, should negotiations not prove successful, that it would force a return to work. That is the thing.

The Minister of Public Works says “The thing about this dispute is that there was no violence”. That is not what it was about; it was about not bargaining in good faith. But the government can redeem itself, show that it has a bias in favour of the workers and that it recognizes its past mistakes. In doing so, it must find expression through support for the Bloc's amendment.

National Aids Strategy December 2nd, 1997

Mr. Speaker, yesterday, in Toronto, the Minister of Health announced phase III of the national AIDS strategy. Nevertheless, during phase II, all the stakeholders had expressed their concern about the lack of co-ordination from Health Canada in the implementation of the national AIDS strategy.

In order to avoid the problems we experienced during phase II, can the minister tell us whom he has assigned to co-ordinate phase III of the national AIDS strategy?

Social Housing November 26th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Minister of Public Works and Government Services.

It has already been two years since the federal government announced its intention to withdraw from social housing and transfer full responsibility for that area to the provinces, along with the related budgets. Since then, negotiations with Quebec have been dragging on.

Since Quebec is home to 29% of those living in inadequate housing in Canada, and since it is far from getting its fair share of federal funds, will the minister pledge to make up, once negotiations are completed, for this traditional shortfall, which represents, for those living in inadequate housing—

Bank Act November 25th, 1997

moved for leave to introduce Bill C-289, an act to amend the Bank Act and the Statistics Act (equity in community reinvestment).

Mr. Speaker, I would like to begin by indicating that this bill is inspired by an act that has been in existence in the United States since 1977, called the community reinvestment act. The purpose of this bill is to require banks to reach, to all intents and purposes, a better balance between the deposits they receive and the loans they make, particularly where disadvantaged communities are concerned.

I hope this bill will receive unanimous consent in this House.

(Motions deemed adopted, bill read the first time and printed)

Department Of Citizenship And Immigration November 19th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, we read today in La Presse that the Department of Citizenship and Immigration apparently misled 430 of its Quebec employees by providing documents containing false information about work reorganization.

How can the minister justify the questionable practices, which have no precedent in the illustrious Canadian public service, of her senior officials with respect to Quebec public servants?

Amendment To The Constitution Of Canada (Quebec) November 17th, 1997

Madam Speaker, I have, as you can imagine, listened carefully to the speech by the hon. colleague from the Reform Party. I can see, without any ill will, that our colleague is obviously very ignorant of the Quebec reality. It would have been interesting if he had been able to come in person for a visit to Quebec, because the understanding he has could be compared to a Flintstone style of understanding, that is to say a pretty basic one.

I have three pieces of information I want to give him. The first is that the hon. colleague should know that the debate in Quebec is a longstanding one, not a recent development but one that goes back to the early 1960s. In other words, when he was still quite young, the debate was already going on in Quebec on the necessity to reorganize the school system on a linguistic basis.

I also want to refer to the parliamentary aspect, and I hope he will reply to me on this. In Quebec there was a parliamentary committee similar to the one in which we MPs and senators have been involved on the joint committee, and it was focussed on the very subject of creating linguistic school boards.

If the hon. member wants to count heads, he can look at the list I have already tabled at the parliamentary committee.

All the groups that voiced their opinions on Bill 109 which, as you know, only dealt with the establishment of linguistic school boards, also came to Ottawa to be heard.

Therefore, my first comment is that the hon. member should be much more careful when he is suggesting that no consultations took place.

Second, I realize the hon. member is a new member here, but it takes some nerve to say he is worried about guarantees for the minority. So, the hon. member, whose party is the only one in this House with no members from Quebec—and this will not change in the foreseeable future—is worried about how Quebec's English-speaking minority is treated.

We should remind the hon. member that, in Quebec, it is possible for anglophones to go to English schools from kindergarten to university, to have access to education services in English, to have control over their own mass media—newspapers, radio, television—and to have access to health services in English. Myself and all Bloc Quebecois members would not have it any other way. The hon. member should be pleased to see how Quebec has so generously, and for so many years, been treating its English-speaking minority. And it will continue to do so. No Bloc Quebecois member thinks it should be otherwise.

The fact is that no one is in favour of the status quo. I ask the hon. member this: Why, as we are about to enter the new millennium, should we specifically provide preferential treatment for Catholics and Protestants? I agree that it is positive discrimination, but it is still discriminatory.

To the extent that we are a law-abiding society—and the hon. member alluded to this several times—we have two charters: the Canadian charter and the Quebec charter. Both of them include the right to freedom of religion. While in 1867 Quebec was a relatively monolithic society as regards religion, it is no longer the case now. There are 108 cultural communities in Montreal which profess religions other than Catholicism or Protestantism.

By passing the resolution—and I hope it will be passed despite the Reform Party's opposition—we will pave the way for greater pluralism in the public forum that schools represent. I therefore ask the member why this kind of discrimination he is urging us to perpetuate should be maintained.

Second, I ask him if he will agree that the treatment of the anglophone minority in Quebec is exemplary, that we are giving him every guarantee that as far as we are concerned, as members of the Bloc Quebecois, we wish this to continue.

I urge him to be extremely careful when he talks of the petition, because that is not what the majority of Quebeckers want. This is what the polls and consultations show and I would remind the member that we have been discussing this issue since 1963. The member would do well to improve his knowledge of Quebec, and I would be pleased to serve as his guide, perhaps even his spiritual guide, whenever he would like to meet with concerned groups. It would be my great pleasure to show him the situation in Quebec, because I regret to say that his understanding is based on stereotypes.

Immigration November 17th, 1997

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Minister of Citizenship and Immigration.

According to a report presented to the minister on October 2, there are currently some 270 refugee claimants in Canada who have been declared war criminals by the Immigration and Refugee Board. The same report states that the government has been much too permissive in this respect.

What action has the minister taken so far to ensure that Canada does not become a haven for war criminals?

Amendment To The Constitution Of Canada (Quebec) November 17th, 1997

Madam Speaker, first I want to thank the previous speaker and I hope his voice will be heard by his fellow party members, so as to create a movement which, hopefully, will reach the Reform Party's top level. Who knows, maybe the leader of the official opposition will surprise us by supporting the constitutional amendment.

This amendment was the subject of numerous debates. The issue before us is deeply rooted in Quebec—I believe the minister said it six times in his speech—since the Parent report was released. Indeed, since the mid-sixties, all Quebec governments, regardless of their political colours, have tried to modernize the province's education system, and this is what we are talking about.

I am grateful to the minister for emphasizing—as he did throughout his speech—that the issue does not concern linguistic rights. Those interested in linguistic rights should read chapter 8 of Bill 101, which contains the information relating to the language of access for the majority and the minority.

The fact is that a majority of Quebeckers feel that school boards should be structured along linguistic rather than religious lines. We could not overemphasize the fact that, unfortunately, some people tried to muddle the real issue, for example by comparing the situation of francophones outside Quebec with that of anglophones in Quebec. I believe that all committee members clearly realized that, as parliamentarians, our duty was to understand the objective sought by the National Assembly.

This is somewhat of a precedent since the National Assembly, which is the only authority that can speak on behalf of Quebeckers, was unanimous on this issue. And all of us here should understand the meaning of the term “unanimous”. It means that when Pauline Marois, the member for Taillon, rose in the National Assembly to vote in favour of the motion, so did the member for Marquette. When parliamentarians vote this unanimously, you can be sure we are on solid ground.

There were, it will be recalled, consultations in Quebec City, because the very purpose of the parliamentary committee on Bill 109, which was also unanimously approved, was to look at the establishment of linguistic school boards. If we were to go a step further, and compare all the witnesses who were heard in the Quebec National Assembly with those who appeared before the joint parliamentary committee, it would be seen that there were, to all intents and purposes, no witnesses who were not heard either in Quebec City or here in Ottawa. So those people who thought there had been no consultation must think again and acknowledge that there was extensive consultation in Quebec.

Therefore, it is clear that there are two aspects to the motion now before us. First, the preamble to section 93 says that education comes under provincial jurisdiction. Everyone, of course, understands that Quebec does not want this preamble revoked since, as far back as 1953, the Tremblay Commission pointed out in no uncertain terms how essential it is for Quebec to have full and complete jurisdiction over the education sector, education being obviously linked, as we know, to identity.

Second, paragraphs (1) to (4), which are based in history, will no longer apply to the territory of Quebec. What this therefore means is that Quebec will simply no longer have a constitutional obligation, particularly with respect to the cities of Montreal and Quebec, to maintain denominational structures based on numbers—I would remind members that, when we have denominational structures in Montreal and Quebec City, there is no numerical criterion, and the right to disagree exists outside these cities—if we as parliamentarians approve the resolution before us.

Why do we think this is important? Why did a man like Claude Ryan, when he was Minister of Education and the MNA for Argenteuil, finally try to modernize the Quebec school system? Claude Ryan is a respected intellectual in Quebec society. Of course, he is no sovereignist, everyone knows that and I must say that, personally, I do not have much hope in that regard. Everyone knows that Claude Ryan is a respected and respectable individual. He even submitted the issue to the Supreme Court. He was constantly faced with this challenge, with the overbearing presence of section 93, especially subsections (1) to (4).

What this means is that when we vote today, and I think it is important to make this clear, it will be so that school boards can be organized along linguistic lines.

I insisted strongly in the joint committee on what this means for Montreal. We all know that Montreal is in a very particular situation. Montreal is where immigrants go; 80% of the immigrants that come to Quebec settle in Montreal. Every year Montreal welcomes close to 35,000 immigrants, or 15% of Canada's total immigration. Close to 225,000 immigrants come to Canada each year. Quebec has traditionally been open to immigrants, a tradition that is based of course on a low birth rate, but there is also a fundamental belief—and this is what the Bloc has been saying since it arrived in this House—that immigration is a force that contributes to the renewal of a society.

About 80% of immigrants settle in Montreal. For both historical and contemporary reasons, the majority of these immigrants enrol their children in English and Protestant schools. What is good about the amendment on which we will be voting is that French schools will truly become public schools, especially in Montreal. This is an objective that must be clearly understood.

Again this will change nothing as far as admission requirements for the anglophone minority are concerned. Bill 101 provide for some very clear rules on which we did not always agree. In the early 1980s, the Supreme Court of Canada issued a ruling requiring the Quebec legislator—and I am sure the Minister for Intergovernmental Affairs will remember this—to replace the Quebec clause with the Canada clause. Recognizing this legal obligation, the Quebec legislator agreed to amend Bill 101, even though the National Assembly was not enthusiastic about it.

So today it is the Canada clause that applies in Quebec. This means that children whose parents received their primary education in English in Canada can enrol their children in English schools in Quebec.

It is very important to understand why this amendment we will be adopting, I hope, will help not only to modernize Quebec schools but also to strike a better balance in the greater Montreal area.

One of the arguments that was repeated again and again in our debate, but to which no one could reply adequately, concerned the principle under which the legislator could guarantee constitutional rights to two religious denominations. Why should Catholics and Protestants, in 1997-98 and in the year 2000, benefit from a form of favouritism? Both the Canadian and the Quebec charter mention the freedom to worship. In a law-abiding society with charters that are constitutional or quasi-constitutional obligations requiring Quebec to guarantee certain rights, one must ask under what principle Catholics and Protestants should be treated with favouritism.

For example, some witnesses reminded us that there were close to 80,000 Muslims in Montreal, and that they are required to enrol their children in a Catholic or a Protestant school, which is contrary to their religious beliefs and I think this is wrong.

It must, of course, also be kept in mind—and it is important that this point be made perfectly clear—that what we are talking about is taking religion out of administrative structures, out of the school boards. It is a good thing to debate the place of religion in the schools and I have some very definite ideas on the subject, but this Parliament is not the one to deal with that.

The Minister of Education, Mrs. Marois, a most extraordinary woman, has mandated a task force headed by Professor Proulx to report to the National Assembly on the place of religion in Quebec in the year 2000. When that report is tabled there will be public hearings, the holding of which is a tradition in Quebec, and the stakeholders will have an opportunity to be heard. At that time, there will be a debate within Quebec society on the place people want religion to have.

What we are speaking of is the end of denominational school boards. We are very optimistic on all sides that the amendment on which we will be voting in a couple of hours will be passed with a strong majority.

The next stage will be that, next year, parents such as those with children in Sainte-Jeanne-d'Arc school in Hochelaga—Maisonneuve, will be given the opportunity at the beginning of the school year to choose between religion and ethics, and that will remain unchanged. Where the place of religion in the schools is concerned, parents will fully retain their right to demand a Catholic education for their children. This is a right which is, as we know, also given in section 41 of the Quebec Charter of Rights, which has quasi-constitutional value. In due course, the issue will be debated in the National Assembly.

We have also received all possible representations by eminent constitutional experts. As you know, constitutionalists have done roaring business of late in Canada. They came to us with the opinion that the vehicle was appropriate, for there had been some doubt on this. I know that the official opposition had been assailed by doubts at a certain point, but no constitutional expert could be found to state that section 43 was not the right vehicle.

We know that the 1982 Constitution is complex, hair-splitting even, concerning amendment formulas, since there are five possibilities. We have gone from one extreme to the other, because there was no amending formula for over 100 years. Canada was one of the few countries that had a written Constitution but no amending formula. And now we have a complex and convoluted amending formula offering five options, but, in this case, I think we are making no mistake. We made no mistake as members of Parliament or as members of the committee in stating that, following the representations made before us, the amending formula was the right one.

I also want to stress the fact that a debate was held in Quebec society and that there is a coalition representing some two million people. That is not insignificant in a democracy. There are not too many issues in which a group may come before a committee and say “I am speaking on behalf of 43 organizations”, including school administrations, unions, the CEQ and parents' committees. All of them share the same vision for things and want us to pass the amendment before us. These people are speaking for their individual organizations, and together represent two million people.

That is something pretty important and should move all those members who doubt a debate was held and think that the amendment has garnered little support in Quebec society. I hope they will be convinced, because there is obviously a lot of public reaction on this issue in Quebec.

The other thing that must be taken into consideration is the anglophone community. It represents first of all Quebec's national minority and that will be the case in a sovereign Quebec. I am among those in my party who think that the constitution of Quebec must make more provision for the rights of the anglophone community than was made in 1995.

The minister was very eloquent and I was really pleased when he made the following statement before the parliamentary committee. Of course, political reality will prevail, but the minister was right when he said very eloquently that, from kindergarten to university, the speaking community has access to an integrated school system and control over its structures and institutions.

It comes as no surprise—and it must be pointed out—that, generally speaking, the English speaking community strongly supports the amendment, for two reasons. First, because it provides increased access for that community and, from a management perspective, it means more control than the English speaking community currently has. This is very important. Moreover, it will put an end to the rivalry between the anglophones enrolled in Protestant schools and those enrolled in Catholic schools. It will allow them to consolidate their network and, of course, the teaching resources involved.

What did Mrs. Chambers tell us? In case you do not know her, Mrs. Chambers is the sister of philosopher Charles Taylor. In 1992, the Quebec government approached Mrs. Chambers and asked her to head a working group on access to the school system for anglophones. Something stands out very clearly when you read the Chambers report. The report says that Quebec's school system is not integrated, that there are a number of English language schools, but that the coherence the amendment will provide if it is passed is lacking at present. The Chambers report also asks for the so-called universal clause, but this is a different issue which is outside the scope of this debate.

So, there was a debate on this issue, which has deep roots in Quebec. Senator Thérèse Lavoie-Roux, a woman who speaks her mind, as members of the parliamentary committee noted—some parliamentarians, though not I, even compared her to Tatie Danielle—told us that the issue of linguistic school boards had already been raised in the early sixties. She reminded us about the Pagé report and the unified school boards, which are related to the issue before us today.

If there are people in this House, particularly Reformers or members who were not here during the last Parliament, who think the issue was not debated in Quebec, they are mistaken, in my opinion. The amendment was adopted unanimously, which is somethingquite rare in politics.

We also have to act quickly, since the measure will have a concrete impact on the Quebec school system. While there were 158 school boards before, there will now only be 75, which means that these school boards' boundaries will have to be redefined. The change also involves a different registration process and the redistribution of buildings between school boards. Therefore, it is important to act as quickly as possible, so that by July of next year the registration process and organizational restructuring can have been completed and that by next September linguistic school boards can be in place.

I thank all members of the House, beginning with the minister, for their real co-operation. I do hope the same spirit of co-operation will prevail when dealing with other issues.