Lost his last election, in 2006, with 38% of the vote.
Federal-Provincial Relations June 4th, 2001
Mr. Speaker, the federal government's philosophy is abundantly clear: avoid transfer payments because they take away from the visibility of the federal government.
Does this not explain the federal government's refusal to negotiate with Quebec a true parental leave program that would cover all families?
Is it not because agreeing to negotiate would deprive Ottawa of its visibility, so families are left to bear the brunt of its refusal?
Supply May 31st, 2001
Mr. Speaker, if the Liberal member who just asked a question wanted to be honest, he should not be so close to the tree that he ignores the forest.
I will explain. It is easy to look at a program in isolation, but we should consider the whole situation. The figures for his own department are as follows: the Quebec share of federal spending on goods and services is 21%; its share of current transfers to businesses is 16.5%; its share of R&D is 14.4%. These figures come from his department.
It is quite easy to look at just one program. Instead of being too close to a single tree, let us look at the forest. When we do this, we realize that Quebec is being short changed.
Supply May 31st, 2001
Mr. Speaker, first of all, I would like to respond to the question of the hon. member for Saint-Hyacinthe—Bagot as to where the figures come from. I too would like to know. I think the Liberals just pull them out of the air before they come here.
When we look at the future of R and D investment—we are in an increasingly wired world, and the future belongs to the most productive R and D people—federal R and D investments in Quebec represent 14.4%, which is more than 10% less than our population share.
I can hear my hon. colleague from Saint-Lambert say it is not so. These figures come from the Minister of Finance's own statistics, her minister, who says that 14.4% of research and development expenditures go to Quebec. The most flagrant example is that of the federal capital—the only national capital in Canada is Quebec City—where all R and D centres in the greater Ottawa region are on the Ontario side. There is not a single one on the Quebec side.
I challenge the hon. member for Saint-Lambert to find a figure other than 14.4% for federal R and D expenditures in Quebec and to show me an R and D centre in the Outaouais region on the Quebec side as opposed to the Ontario side. I send her this challenge. Let her take the floor to tell us what the figures are, if they are other than the ones I have given.
Supply May 31st, 2001
Mr. Speaker, it is always intimidating to rise just after the very eloquent member for Hochelaga—Maisonneuve. However I will try to take the challenge offered so kindly to me by my colleague and friend from Montreal.
Since I have been listening to the debate I have had the feeling that government members have not taken the time to carefully read what we are debating. We are asking that the federal government call a federal-provincial first ministers' conference for the purpose of rectifying the fiscal imbalance between the federal government and the provinces in offering a new way to share the tax base, including through a tax points transfer that will respect the constitutional responsibilities of Quebec and the other provinces.
We are not asking to turn everything upside down, change the world or reinvent the wheel. We want a proper forum to be created to deal with a lack of balance in the tax system, which is acknowledged by most economists and stakeholders in Quebec and Canada.
The representations or questions raised by the Liberal member who spoke before me could or will be brought to the table by the federal government for discussion by the first ministers. I do not agree with his point of view. Instead of making demagogic speeches as he did, let us create a forum where such discussions will be meaningful because they will lead to concrete action within a very short time.
Let me say that the reason why government members will not vote for the motion is because they like the current situation which is part of Canada's nation building continuum, which started several decades ago and gathered speed in 1982 with the unilateral patriation of the constitution and is increasingly gathering speed since 1995.
This government is intent on turning the federal state that Canada should be into a unitary state. It is wants to weaken the provincial governments and turn them into big municipal governments, to rake in astronomical surpluses at the expense of the provinces so that Ottawa can wallow in money while the provinces have to take up increasingly difficult challenges with their heads barely above water.
While feeding mere crumbs to the provinces, the federal government is not just weakening them, it is also deciding on its own to dictate conditions on the transfer of new funds, impose national standards, bulldoze its own constitution—which sets out federal and provincial jurisdictions—to build a Canada that is more and more uniform nationally, a Canada that negates the specificity not only of Quebec, something which is crucial and essential, but also of other provinces.
We have many options. We still have in Quebec a continuous position that dates back to the Maurice Duplessis government. The Union Nationale governments of Duplessis, Johnson and Bertrand, the Liberal governments of Lesage, Johnson and Bourassa, and the PQ governments of Lévesque, Johnson, Parizeau, Bouchard and now Landry all had or have the same position. There is still a very broad consensus in Quebec that fiscal imbalance has been around for a long time and that it does exist. There is a consensus on this.
We know it only too well. We saw with the young offenders that there is no Quebec consensus that will stop this government. It is really a shame, and Quebecers will remember this when the time comes.
The member opposite talked about federal spending and said that the federal government gave more to Quebec than it deserved. That is what it boiled down to. I would like to respond, if I may, as follows. In 1997, federal government program spending in Quebec was $28.3 billion, or 23.9% of the total for Canada. That is less than Quebec's demographic share, which is 24.4%. But it is worse than that because when we take a closer look we see the form this spending took.
Quebec is over-represented when it comes to equalization payments and employment insurance—$2.9 billion more than its demographic weight—but under-represented when it comes to structuring spending, such as procurement of goods and services, investments and grants which represent $3.5 billion less than its demographic weight.
According to an independent organization, the Institut de la statistique du Québec, this under representation of $3.5 billion deprives Quebec of 45,500 jobs, which would account for half of the historic difference between the rate of unemployment in Quebec and in the rest of Canada.
When Premier Bernard Landry said that the federal system was not to Quebec's advantage, he went even further, and he was perfectly right. Other figures could be mentioned.
According to the Institut de la statistique du Québec, $100 million in federal government spending generates 920 direct and 381 indirect jobs. Spending of $3.5 billion would therefore mean 45,500 jobs in Quebec.
More specifically, this means that these jobs amount to one and a half times the number of jobs in all of the Gaspé peninsula; 80% of the jobs on the North Shore; two-thirds of the jobs in Abitibi—Témiscamingue; one-third of the jobs in the Eastern Townships; and one-third of the jobs in Saguenay—Lac-Saint-Jean.
The federal government is not giving Quebec its fairshare. Given the losses incurred by Quebec because of the fiscal imbalance and given the losses incurred by Quebec because the money spent by the federal government in Quebec is mainly passive money and not structural spending that generates economic activity, jobs and economic development, this is not only a criticism of the federal government—as we have said before, successive governments in Quebec have raised this question since Duplessis—it is a criticism of the system itself and of the logic of the system. It is imposing more and more constraints on Quebec, with the result that it has to face increased social spending. My colleague from Hochelaga—Maisonneuve was talking about this a little earlier. Quebec's social spending is increasing at an alarming rate. In health alone, it is increasing by 5% per year.
Quebecers are faced with the following choice. They do not have to choose between the status quo and the full and complete control over their development. They have a choice between Quebec sovereignty and an increasingly centralizing and unitary federalism, which is weakening the provinces a little more every day, riding roughshod over the Quebec nation, negating more and more the reality of Quebec, ignoring its consensus and personality, in fact aiming at making the Quebec nation disappear in the medium and long term.
This is the choice that the people of Quebec have. We will see that Quebecers will make the right choice and realize that the solution lies in full control over their development mechanism, sovereignty.
Bloc Quebecois Youth Forum May 29th, 2001
Mr. Speaker, last Saturday, the Bloc Quebecois youth forum held its general council at the Cégep du Vieux-Montréal. Some 100 young Bloc Quebecois supporters got together to talk, exchange views and think about the blueprint for a sovereign Quebec.
Globalization, monetary integration, the fight against poverty and a host of other topics, all equally interesting, were among the items on the agenda. There were some very interesting debates, a new departure for the Forum Jeunesse, which is an essential component of our party.
Under the chairmanship of François Limoges, a rejuvenated, dynamic, intelligent and determined team will carry the voice of young sovereignists to the four corners of Quebec.
The parliamentary wing of the Bloc Quebecois salutes the new executive council of the Forum Jeunesse, wishes it good luck and assures it of its support.
Justice May 28th, 2001
Mr. Speaker, they must not understand either, because the same chief said, and I am again quoting:
The errors are quickly forgotten. In fifty years, perhaps they will make available a fund to repair the social damage caused by C-7, as in the case of the residential schools.
Before committing the irreparable and repeating past mistakes with native peoples, is the minister prepared to delay passage of Bill C-7 until she has formally met the native leaders of Quebec and Canada? Is she prepared to meet them before implementing this bill?
Justice May 28th, 2001
Mr. Speaker, on May 22, the grand chief of the Innu community of Sept-Îles, Rosario Pinette, made the following remarks on Bill C-7, and I quote:
This legislation, if passed, will not enter our community. It will remain outside, because it has a direct impact on native peoples. It is legislation imposed that fails to respect our cultural reality.
The Assembly of First Nations and its national chief, Matthew Coon Come, are profoundly opposed to the bill.
How will the Minister of Justice answer the Native Peoples, who refuse to have this law applied in their community?
Division No. 100 May 28th, 2001
Mr. Speaker, before becoming Speaker, you sat on the benches opposite. Debate in the House can sometimes be intense, exchanges sharp, sometimes caustic, perhaps overly so. The very layout of the House, with benches on opposing sides, unfortunately, perhaps contributes to an often confrontational attitude.
I also have a tendency, of which I am very proud, to defend my party's position tooth and nail based on internal discussions. I owe no one any apologies for this tendency, nor do I ask any members of the House to apologize for positions they are defending on behalf of their party.
The debate on Bill C-7 must be completely non-partisan. We must eliminate every ounce, every trace of partisanship from a debate such as this because what is involved is the future of our youth. It is in this non-partisan spirit that I rise to speak today to the young offenders bill.
The hon. member for Berthier—Montcalm has just returned from a tour of Quebec. He met with people from various sectors in all regions of Quebec. I congratulate him on his excellent work on this issue. During this tour, he confirmed in a concrete, not an abstract, way the very broad, I would even say almost unanimous, consensus of Quebec's stakeholders with respect to the young offenders legislation.
All stakeholders, judges, lawyers, including the bar associations, social workers, youth groups and so on, were almost unanimously in favour of keeping the existing Young Offenders Act. They rejected the unfortunate new approach of the Minister of Justice.
This consensus so completely transcends party lines that the three parties represented in the national assembly, parties whose views differ on sovereignty and on a whole spectrum of issues ranging from left to right unanimously agreed to a motion calling for the existing Young Offenders Act to be maintained intact.
In Quebec there is a strong national desire to retain the system in place today, which has proven itself. It has given Quebec the lowest rates of youth crime and of recidivism by young offenders.
I have trouble understanding why a system that is working properly would be shunted aside, destroyed by the Liberal government out of mere political calculation aimed at pleasing people on the right wing who are often the western voters.
Last week new stakeholders made their voices heard. They are the aboriginal communities of Quebec. Rosario Pinette, chief of the Sept-Îles Innu community, met with my colleague, the hon. member for Berthier-Montcalm. Speaking on behalf of Matthew Coon Come, the grand chief of the Assembly of First Nations, he took a strong position against the provisions of Bill C-7. He said:
If Bill C-7 is passed, it will not get into our community. It will be kept out because it attacks aboriginal people outright. It is an imposed law that does not respect our cultural reality.
That is pretty strong language. He went still further:
Mistakes are quickly forgotten. In 50 years, there may be a compensation fund to undo the damage done by Bill C-7, as there was for the residential schools.
Here we see an alliance between the aboriginal nations and the Quebec nation in demanding that this government not put in place, not enact, not pass Bill C-7.
Is there perhaps a compromise? I am very open to that. Let us ensure that Bill C-7 allows provinces which so desire to withdraw from the new system the Minister of Justice is putting in place and allows those provinces which so desire to retain the present system.
The mechanism is possible. Mr. Justice Dickson, the former chief justice of the supreme court, said so in a legal opinion which, I hope, most members of this House and particularly Liberal members from Quebec have consulted and read. This legal opinion provided that it was quite possible to adopt such a mechanism.
Another legal basis is the concept of distinct society. This government had a motion passed to the effect that the government should take the distinct character of Quebec into account before passing a bill. We could base our decision on that. Let us ensure that Quebec, if it so desires, and heaven knows it does, can be exempted from implementing the harmful system that would be put in place through Bill C-7 and can continue to apply the existing Young Offenders Act.
One may wonder, and many actually do, why this government is not using the bill to promote its political option. It could easily say “Look how open federalism is, look how it promotes diversity. We are allowing Quebec to withdraw from the application of this bill”. The government could earn brownie points. It always pays to listen to what the public wants.
I sincerely call on the Liberal government and Liberal members from Quebec to not support Bill C-7 or at least to ensure that Quebec can apply the existing Young Offenders Act. It is not too late to respect the consensual choice repeatedly expressed by Quebecers through various forums, including the House of Commons by a majority of members from Quebec, the national assembly or the various stakeholders representing civil society.
I ask Quebec Liberal members to vote with us and to ensure that Bill C-7 does not apply to Quebec.
Business Of The House May 15th, 2001
Mr. Speaker, following consultations among all parties, I believe you will find unanimous consent for the following motion:
That the Bill be now read a second time and referred to the Standing Committee on Transport and Government Operations.
Single Currency May 14th, 2001
Mr. Speaker, the Minister of Finance alludes to Canadian sovereignty. I invite him to talk to his colleague, the Minister for International Trade, who wrote in his book entitled Pour une politique de la confiance that “The state has lost the ability to direct its monetary policy”. This is from the Minister of Finance's own colleague.
Why does the government prefer to stick with the Canadian dollar, which has constantly been depreciating over the past 30 years, instead of considering North America's economic integration, which could lead to monetary integration?