Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was reform.

Last in Parliament October 2000, as NDP MP for Saskatoon—Rosetown—Biggar (Saskatchewan)

Lost his last election, in 2006, with 24% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Social Programs October 30th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, my question is for the Deputy Prime Minister. Canadians everywhere well remember the members of the present government's forceful opposition to the previous Conservative government's cutbacks on health care, post-secondary education and social programs when in opposition.

Yet since moving from the opposition benches to the government side there has been a change of heart. This government's cuts to health care, post-secondary and social programs are the deepest in the last 50 years. While implementing an 8 per cent cut across the board, there is a full 25 per cent cut in these three areas.

Does she feel that tearing down the very institutions which define us as Canadians and which we hold dear is the way to build a strong, unified country?

Health Care October 30th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, the health minister has repeatedly stated her government's commitment to maintain the quality of health care. However, with federal government programs cut by a staggering $7 billion over three years and more to come after, the government's commitment to equal and quality health care for all Canadians is simply unbelievable.

The Reform Party wants a two-tier health system, a good one for the rich and a poor one for everyone else. Both will lead to the end of the health care system we all treasure.

The minister should show some leadership on the question of health promotion, which the World Health Organization defines as the process of enabling people to increase control over and to improve their health.

The province of Saskatchewan leads the field in Canada on the front of health promotion and health prevention. Even American insurance companies are more committed to health prevention than the minister is. It is not anything new; we have been hearing this for years.

With the continuing federal cuts, the challenge to continue to provide equal access to quality health care is a serious one. It is surely time for the government to begin looking at concrete methods of saving money and improving health care through a concerted initiative toward preventative health care.

It is time for the minister to show some real leadership and work with provincial ministers, health care professionals and-

Criminal Code June 6th, 1995

moved for leave to introduce Bill C-330, an act to amend the Criminal Code (review process and disclosure by prosecutor).

Madam Speaker, I am pleased to introduce this private member's bill for first reading. In essence it introduces or enacts the recommendations of the Donald Marshall inquiry, now some years in passing, for a better, more open and independent procedure for dealing with those who claim to have been wrongfully convicted.

At the moment that process is done in house by the Department of Justice. It is a very time consuming process. It seems there is no sense of urgency. There is no easy disclosure to those involved. Those who are claiming to be wrongfully convicted are pleading to their adversary for some mercy essentially.

We have had the cases of Milgaard, Marshall, Morin, Kelly and Morrisroe. Many cases have been taking two, three and four years to address. This bill would speed that process up and make it more open. It would be a distinct improvement in the process.

(Motions deemed adopted, bill read the first time and printed.)

Questions On The Order Paper May 19th, 1995

For each of the calendar years 1990 to 1994, has the government received data measuring domestic cigarette sales and if so what are the total sales in each province for which data are available?

Questions On The Order Paper May 19th, 1995

For each of the calendar years 1990 to 1994, has the government developed detailed data measuring actual cigarette consumption, and if so what are these estimates for each province for which the data are available, and if not, why not?

Interpretation Act April 25th, 1995

moved that Bill C-254, an act to amend the Interpretation Act (convention on the rights of the child) be read the second time and referred to a committee.

Mr. Speaker, it is my pleasure to bring forward this bill on behalf of all Canadian children. It amends the Interpretation Act to provide that every act of Parliament shall be construed and applied as not to abrogate, abridge or infringe any of the rights recognized in the convention on the rights of the child. It is as close as a private member's bill can come to introducing a children's bill of rights.

At the World Summit for Children, held at the United Nations in 1990, 71 world leaders, the largest gathering of world leaders ever, discussed actions that could better the lives of children throughout the world. As a result of that summit, the United Nations developed the convention on the rights of the child which Canada ratified on December 13, 1991.

I am proud to say that Canada took an active role in the summit and in helping to develop the convention which provides us with a set of standards that confirms the respect our society

gives its youngest and most vulnerable and recognizes that they need special safeguards and care.

Responsibility for implementing the rights set out in the convention is shared by federal, provincial and territorial governments. International human rights conventions, even if ratified by Canada, do not automatically become part of domestic law. Canadian courts do, however, frequently refer to them in interpreting and applying domestic law and, in particular, in interpreting and applying the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms.

This private member's bill, if passed, would require the Government of Canada to interpret all legislation in harmony with the UN declaration on the rights of the child, which, as I say, Canada was instrumental in engineering. Essentially Canada's laws will comply with the convention.

Canada must continue to be a leading force in protecting children's rights both at home and around the world. In order to do that we must ensure that our international commitments are treated seriously and that federal legislation complies with the convention that the government signed on behalf of all Canadians.

The world summit and the convention were both predicated on the notion that children should have first call on the nation's resources in both good times and bad. In other words, Canada and the other countries that signed the convention should put children first at all times.

A year before the summit, in November 1989, the House debated a motion in the following words:

That this House express its concern for the more than one million Canadian children currently living in poverty and seek to achieve the goal of eliminating poverty among Canadian children by the year 2000.

The motion was unanimously passed by the members of the House of Commons.

At that time there were approximately 956,000 children under the age of 18 living in poverty. The subcommittee on poverty proceeded some time after that to address the problem, but did nothing very much to improve the situation of child poverty.

Looking at the shocking reality of what has happened since, the situation has worsened. Recently, Statistics Canada showed that in 1993 child poverty reached a 14-year high, despite the fact that the Canadian economy had made a modest recovery. In 1993 almost 1.5 million Canadian children, which is one in five, lived in some deprivation. Many of these children live not just in poverty, but are very poor. Clearly that is unacceptable. With only five years left until the year 2000 it is clear that the government must move quickly or the 1989 House of Commons resolution will be nothing more than empty words.

Last year I tried to move the same motion but was refused support from at least the Reform Party and possibly others. In other words, we have regressed in terms of our commitment to Canadian children since 1989.

The bill would go a long way to ensuring that the issue of child poverty and children's rights will be addressed. However, it will do more. It will ensure that the nation's children should always be put first, that they will be given the protection and assistance they need in order to grow to become happy, healthy and productive adults. It will enforce the concept that Canadian children be free from exploitation and abuse; that government action should be interpreted with regard to children in the best interests of the child; that children should have access to child care, health care and a standard of living that, at minimum, meets basic needs; and that disabled children should receive the same level of dignity and opportunity as other children.

If we are going to put words into action, if we are going to do anything other than spout empty words, it is vital that the commitments which Canada has made on behalf of its children to the world community are enforced by the government.

I would like to refer to some of the provisions and point out some of the problems that are faced in Canada with regard to the international commitment made when the UN convention was signed and when Canada committed itself to ensuring that children have the first call on resources.

A provision in article 6 says that Canada and other nations shall ensure, to the maximum extent possible, the survival and development of the child. Canada has 1.5 million children living in poverty. Clearly we are a long way from recognizing and enforcing the commitment which we made to our children and to the world economy. Article 17 of the convention talks about education, clearly a core element in the development of our children.

In that article there is provision that Canada and other nations encourage the production and dissemination of children's books. After many attempts in the last Parliament to remove the GST from children's books, which the last government recognized as being detrimental to educational expectations, that GST still remains on books and this government has done nothing to reduce it. There are measures we can take there to ensure that the commitment we made with regard to education and the dissemination of education can be met.

In article 18, Canada and all other nations agreed to take all appropriate measures "to ensure that children of working parents have the right to benefit from child care services and facilities for which they are able". We have seen the reneging of commitments with regard to child care, commitments that were in the red book. Over the years we have seen a clear derogation

on the part of the Government of Canada to respond in a critical way for the protection and benefit of children as well of course for those parents who need to work in order to maintain their families. With regard to child care, the government clearly is also not responding to the spirit and words of the convention.

Canada also agreed to take all appropriate legislative, administrative, social and educational measures to protect children from all forms of physical and mental violence, injury or abuse, neglect or negligent treatment, maltreatment or exploitation, including sexual abuse. The cuts to social programs, which continue under this government in spite of the aggressive opposition to the same cuts when this government was in opposition, mean that we cannot effectively say that we are responding positively to this provision of the convention either. We are not taking all appropriate legislative, administrative, social, and educational measures to protect children in this way. Indeed, we are going backwards.

There are special provisions in article 23 to respond to the special needs of disabled children. In particular, it indicated that we commit ourselves to assistance that will be designed to ensure that the disabled child has effective access to and receive education, training, health care services, rehabilitation services, preparation for employment and recreation opportunities in a manner conducive to the child's achieving the fullest possible social integration and individual development, including his or her cultural and spiritual development.

We all know from our own experiences across this country that we are far from responding positively to the needs of disabled children.

In article 24 we have a commitment to recognize the right of the child to the enjoyment of the highest attainable standard of health and to facilities for the treatment of illness and rehabilitation of health. This government once again follows the Tories in cutting funding to health care, clearly making it more and more difficult for children to receive access to the highest attainable standard of health care, which this country committed itself to providing. Again, we are in breach of this convention.

In regard to the pursuit of health care facilities for children, we agreed to combat disease and malnutrition, including within the framework of primary health care. Clearly, with 1.5 million children we have not addressed the concerns of malnutrition. Indeed, as those numbers increase we make it clear that we are going backwards rather than forward.

With regard to social programs, Canada and the other countries recognized for every child the right to benefit from social security, including social insurance, and to take the necessary measures to achieve the full realization of this right. Once again, we have not responded to that obligation. We have been cutting social programs at the federal level, and many provinces have also cut their social programs, I might add, although not the provinces of Ontario, Saskatchewan, and British Columbia, which are NDP provinces.

With regard to article 27, we agreed to recognize the right of every child to a standard of living adequate for the child's physical, mental, spiritual, moral, and social development. Again, the fact that we have 1.5 million children living in poverty makes it clear that we have done nothing to deal with this question in the last budget. Again we saw the government renege on its commitment dealing with child poverty.

In article 28 we see a commitment on the part of Canada to recognize the right of a child's education and in particular to make higher education accessible to all on the basis of capacity by every appropriate means. We again see cuts to post-secondary education funding in this budget of 10 per cent, the 10 per cent reduction on the health and social transfer. Again, how can we possibly be said to be responding to these international commitments when we make these cuts? Not only are we not responding to these commitments that we made, but of course we are undermining our ability to be competitive in the world economy in the future.

We also have agreed to take measures to encourage regular attendance in school and the reduction of drop-out rates. There is much we need to do in order to address this particular problem. Again, we need a concerted full effort to address our drop-out problem.

We have a commitment in article 23 to recognize the right of the child to be protected from economic exploitation and from performing any work that is likely to be hazardous or to interfere with the child's education or to be harmful to the child's health or physical, mental, spiritual, moral or social development. We have yet to take effective measures to bar the importation of products made by child labour in countries where that child labour is also illegal. I only need to point out the issue of carpets to know that we have not done all we could do in that regard.

We also have committed ourselves under article 34 to undertake to protect the child from exploitive use in prostitution and other unlawful sexual practices. Anyone who spends any time in any of our inner cities will know that there are many children who are participating in the sex trade, again flowing from poverty, flowing from a loss of hope, things this government and this country should be able to do something about.

There are provisions dealing with some changes this House made, against the wishes of the New Democratic Party, with regard to the Young Offenders Act. Canada made commitments with regard to young offenders in the convention. Among other things, we committed ourselves to making imprisonment of a child a matter of last resort and for the shortest appropriate period of time. In flagrant disregard for that commitment, this

House not very long ago increased sentences for young offenders.

Last, Canada recognized under article 40 the right of every child alleged as, accused of, or recognized as having infringed the criminal law to be treated in a manner consistent with the promotion of the child's sense of dignity and worth, which reinforces the child's respect for the human rights and fundamental freedoms of others and which takes into account the child's age and the desirability of promoting the child's integration and the child's assuming a constructive role in society.

Again, the changes this Parliament made, contrary to the wishes of the New Democratic Party and all those experts on children, flies in the face of this commitment too.

In closing, I would like to say that what is being asked for here in this bill and what I am asking on behalf of all Canadian children is that this House recognize the commitments Canada made on behalf of all Canadians among its international peers to commit resources to children, to put children at the first call of Canada's resources, and to respond to the specific provisions contained in the convention.

Canada has a long way to go. Indeed, I think we have gone in the opposite direction. It would be important if we made a change in direction, if we put children first and if we kept our word to the international community on behalf of our children.

Mr. Speaker, while this bill was not granted votable status in the committee, I wonder if I might ask for unanimous consent for it to be votable, in which case it could then be votable at some later stage.

Pension Reform April 25th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, a study just released by the Canadian Advisory Council on the Status of Women indicates that many of our country's middle aged women will be poor when they retire from the workforce.

These women, between 45 and 54, stayed at home to raise children, care for their spouses and in many cases their elderly parents, and volunteered countless hours in their communities. Because they did not enter or re-enter the workforce until their mid-thirties or early forties, their retirement benefits are very low. For these women the future is particularly bleak.

This study comes at a time when the federal government is about to reform the retirement income system. Ironically it is one of the last documents released by the council, its mandate having been ended with the last federal budget. As we well know, the social security reform process is really the Liberals' definition of slash and burn just like the Tories.

It is vital the government seriously take into consideration this very important information when it reviews options for changing Canada's pension system. The women who dedicated a good portion of their lives in caring for others deserve to live their retirement years in comfort and dignity. They do not deserve to be repaid for their service with a ticket to the poorhouse.

Firearms Act March 28th, 1995

Madam Speaker, as I was saying before the break, the Auditor General of Canada advised the government to evaluate the present gun control program before moving on to any additional provisions. I quoted from the auditor general's statement.

It is also interesting to note that the Wade report indicated that police officers across the country have said that present gun control regulations are "a nearly impenetrable maze".

Instead of the federal government taking the time to see if Canada's gun laws are working, and they are already among the most stringent in the world, it has preferred to go after law-abiding people with more laws, more restrictions and more costs. If passed the legislation will result in law-abiding citizens having their legally acquired personal property subject to unprecedented scrutiny and red tape, again unmatched anywhere else in the world.

Law-abiding citizens will face criminal records unless they succumb to the legislation that will do nothing, as we all know, to reduce crime but will cost millions of dollars and will be very complex and cumbersome to administer. It appears members opposite simply do not trust people who legally own and responsibly use guns. The western provinces have taken the lead in ensuring that the government is aware of the widespread opposition across western provinces to the legislation which, as I say, simply will not work.

It is easy to support proposals that deal with the criminal use of firearms which is, after all, surely what gun control should be about. Proposing to clamp down on the smuggling of illegal weapons can be supported as can proposing stiffer penalties for

the criminal use of firearms. We should be dealing with crime as those provisions do and with crime prevention. We should be putting the millions of dollars the proposal will cost toward fighting crime in the streets.

A couple of specific provisions are worthy of note. In particular let us be reminded that all provinces and the country at large are facing extreme difficulties with regard to finance. Instead of tying up enormous police resources in a bureaucratic registration system, police officers should be on the streets dealing with crime in our communities.

I should like to close on the following two points. One is the quite remarkable arbitrary powers provided in the legislation to the Minister of Justice in section 109. The Minister of Justice clearly is of the view that provincial attorneys general will not uphold the law with regard to any legislation that is passed.

That is quite a remarkable reaction when we know that every attorney general has the legal responsibility and will carry out the law as implemented. The arbitrary extreme powers awarded to the federal minister in the legislation are completely unacceptable and should not be countenanced.

I point to one provision that raises the absurdity of the legislation. Clause 35 will make it easier for an American hunter to hunt on Canadian publicly owned land for 60 days than it will for a Canadian to do so. Surely it is absurd and surely it points to some of the major problems contained in the legislation.

I wish the minister would evaluate, as the auditor general and as the western ministers of justice have asked him to do, the proposals to see whether or not they are working effectively. If they are not working effectively and if indeed we could reduce crime and violence in the home by something similar, we could support it. However at the moment there is no evidence to suggest that and I am happy to support the amendment.

Firearms Act March 28th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, I am glad to have the opportunity to make a few brief remarks regarding the government's proposals on gun control. I would like to separate my remarks. I have substantive concerns about the legislation and I would like to indicate why it is worthwhile to support the amendment to split the bill into two. Also I have some concerns from the public at large.

I would like to congratulate those legitimate gun owners across the country who have been seriously concerned with these proposals and for the way that they presented cogent arguments. There has been very little hysteria or exhibitions of frustration on their part, although they would have been more than justified in doing so.

What we are talking about is a respect for different points of view. People have different ways of life. They do different things for their livelihood, recreation and hobbies. Gun owners deserve to have the tolerance of those who do not share their views and their activities. This unfortunately is not the case with regard to the government's proposals.

I would like to mention some concerns about public attitudes. In spite of indications that there is overwhelming support for more gun control proposals, the only poll that really has asked Canadians whether or not they think the bill will make any difference took place in Saskatchewan.

Of the people canvassed in Saskatchewan, 50 per cent were women and 50 per cent were men. Fifty per cent owned guns and 50 per cent did not. Eighty-six per cent indicated that expanding the registration of firearms will not decrease crime.

Of those who supported registration, almost 50 per cent thought it would not reduce crime. Seventy-five per cent of those polled thought there should be an evaluation of the current gun control laws before further changes are made. Surely this is a perfectly legitimate and justifiable concern.

Canadians were asked at the turn of the year whether they thought their perceptions about the increase in violent crime was caused by the absence of stronger gun control laws. Only 5 per cent thought increases in violent crimes were caused by insufficient gun control regulations. When that was broken down by region, 10 per cent of Quebecers thought it was a result of inadequate gun control legislation, in the west only 1 per cent thought it was as a result of inadequate gun control legislation.

Canadians have recognized that these proposals will not work, they will not reduce crime and they will not reduce violence in the home, but will just constitute a tax on legitimate gun owners.

It is often said that the police are in favour of these gun control proposals. Again I have some numbers from Saskatchewan. Of the Saskatoon police force, 98.5 per cent is opposed to these recommendations, 94.5 per cent of the Prince Albert police force and 100 per cent of some of the smaller cities in Saskatchewan are opposed. Therefore, there is no support either among rank and file police officers, those who actually have to deal with the question of guns in people's homes and who have to risk their lives every day.

The last point I would like to make is that aboriginal peoples have clearly indicated that these proposals are an infringement on their treaty rights to hunt. It is unfair and inappropriate to attack aboriginal peoples and their way of life as the government is doing.

I have some substantive points. For years Canadians have been asking for more crime control but the minister is not responding to the demand. He has missed the boat on that issue and instead is hitting responsible, law-abiding gun owners with yet another round of tighter and tougher gun control restrictions.

Those parts of the bill that are tough on the criminal use of firearms are supportable. We need to be tough on the smuggling of illegal weapons and the use of guns in serious offences. We

can all support those recommendations. However, concerning registration and the way in which Bill C-17 works, we still do not yet have a full analysis of the effectiveness of the last gun control regulations. I am sure we should have that before we move on.

Even the Auditor General has called for a thorough evaluation of existing gun control programs before any additional changes are made. He says that Canada's gun control program is controversial and complex. An evaluation of the program is essential to give the Canadian public and members of Parliament the assurance that its objectives are being met.

Social Programs March 27th, 1995

Mr. Speaker, those who speak on behalf of and know the problems faced by the less well off in Canada today pointed out the complete about face of the Liberal government on social programs and health care.

Seven billion dollars less in the two years 1996-97 and 1997-98 is deeper than stated in the budget and will mean severe cuts in health care, post-secondary education and social programs across Canada. With federal government spending declining soon the federal government will have no power to ensure accessibility to health care, post-secondary education and social programs to all. It is the end of medicare and, with the end of CAP, provinces will not have to have social programs at all.

Canadians did not vote for this. The Liberals did not campaign on the total dismantling of Canada's social safety net and Canadians do not want to see the continuing Americanization of our society, whether it be carried out by Conservatives or by Liberals.

Newt Gingrich's Canadian fellow travellers Ralph Klein, the leader of the Reform Party and now the Prime Minister are turning back the clock to the thirties. Canadians need a government that works for Canadians and they deserve to have a government which keeps its promises. We used to say-