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Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was section.

Last in Parliament September 2008, as Liberal MP for Scarborough Southwest (Ontario)

Won his last election, in 2006, with 48% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Marriage Act, 1997 October 6th, 1998

moved that Bill C-225, an act to amend the Marriage (Prohibited Degrees) Act and the Interpretation Act, be read the second time and referred to a committee.

Mr. Speaker, the purpose of this bill is to ensure that a marriage is void unless it is a marriage between one unmarried man and one unmarried woman.

There has been considerable interest in the bill by many Canadians. Thousands of them have signed petitions which have been presented in the House. Many are watching now and they will read the debates as they are reported in Hansard . However, they may not understand the procedure and what is going on. I propose to talk for a few minutes about the procedure.

This is Private Members' Business and my bill has not been deemed votable. Therefore it is entitled to up to one hour of debate tonight, after which it will be dropped from the Order Paper without a vote. I am permitted a 15-minute speech and a five minute wrap up. Other members are entitled to speak for no more than 10 minutes each, up to a maximum of 40 minutes.

I wish to use my initial 15 minutes to briefly outline some of the intricacies of Private Members' Business as I am sure most Canadians are not familiar with this aspect of our rules. I wish to discuss my bill and why I believe it is needed now. In my wrap up I shall try to deal with some of the points made by other hon. members.

Like many other members, I have drafted bills and motions. Our names are put into a drum. Once in a while a draw is held. My name was picked and I chose to put forward Bill C-225.

The rules try to ensure that there are about 15 public bills and 15 motions on the Order Paper at all times. A subcommittee of the Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs known as the Subcommittee on Private Members' Business meets to select five motions and five bills to deem as votable. This procedure continues as bills and motions are dealt with in the House.

In my case there was room for only one bill to be chosen votable as there are still four votable bills on the Order Paper. A number of bills were vying for this one slot, including mine.

The subcommittee consists of six members of parliament: two Liberals, one Reform, one Bloc Quebecois, one NDP and one PC. The committee listened to the submissions of the MPs and chose another bill as votable. No reasons were given and none are required to be given under our rules. Only one-third of the committee is members of the governing Liberal Party.

This bill which I consider so important gets one hour of debate and then disappears.

That is a thumbnail sketch of how we got here tonight.

Turning to the substance of the bill, section 1 reads:

A marriage is void unless it is a legal union of one man and one woman as husband and wife and neither the man nor the woman was married immediately prior to that union.

There is nothing startling there. It is the definition that we have always known in Canada. I presume most people would think that it is already in the law of Canada. It is not. The purpose of my bill is to enshrine in statute that a marriage is valid only when it is a marriage between one unmarried man and one unmarried woman. In other words, neither multiple parties nor parties of the same sex may get married.

I asked both the previous justice minister and the present justice minister to support the bill. You will hear from the Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Justice or some other designated member of parliament as to why the justice minister does not support the bill, but I will tell you now what those reasons are.

One of the things that has been stated in a letter by both the previous and present justice ministers is the following:

The definition of marriage in federal law is not in a statute passed by Parliament, but is found in what is called the federal common law, dating from an 1866 British case of Hyde and Hyde v Woodmansee. This case has been applied consistently in Canada and states that no marriage can exist between two persons of the same sex, or between multiple wives or husbands. Thus, the definition of marriage is already clear in law in Canada as the union of two persons of the opposite sex.

That is what the justice ministers have said in writing.

What is important to note in this statement is that the definition of marriage is to be found in federal common law. Common law is, plain and simple, judge made law. Therefore, it can be changed at any time by judges. There is no statute to guide or restrain judges.

The Department of Justice has indicated in writing reasons why it does not support the bill. According to the Department of Justice one of the reasons is that it is clear in federal law what a marriage is. That is not an accurate statement of the law. Why do I say this? Because there are numerous continuing challenges in our courts to this definition, both by those who wish same sex unions to be recognized as marriages and those whose religious beliefs permit multiple wives or husbands.

One case will illustrate this point. The case is Layland and Beaulne v Ontario Minister of Consumer and Commercial Relations, Attorney General of Canada, et al. In this case decided by three judges of Ontario in the divisional court, two male homosexuals sued to force the province of Ontario to issue them a licence to marry. If as the justice department states the definition of marriage is already clear in law, we would have expected a unanimous decision against the applicants. In fact, the decision was two to one. I will read some brief excerpts from the dissenting judgment:

I am of the view that restricting marriages to heterosexual couples infringes and violates the applicants' section 15(1) charter rights and that such violation cannot be justified under section 1 of the charter. I also agree with the position of the church that there is no common law prohibition against same sex marriages in Canada.

In this case the church was the Metropolitan Community Church of Ottawa. She goes on: “In the opening paragraph of these reasons, I have noted that the common law must grow to meet society's expanding needs.... To say that the state must preserve only traditional heterosexual families is discriminatory and contrary to the equal benefits and guarantees they”—that is, homosexuals—“are entitled to at law.... A rule with a discriminatory purpose may not be justified under section 1”—of the charter. “Further, I agree with counsel for the applicants that there is no rational connection between supporting heterosexual families and denying homosexuals the right to marry. It is illogical and has no beneficial impact on the goal. To deny them the right to marry is a complete denial of their relationship and a denial of their constitutional rights”.

If the law is clear as the justice minister and the justice department state that it is, then this judge should never have made these statements in a dissenting judgment. The fact is that in the next such application, the dissenting judge could find an ally and the decision could be two to one in the opposite direction. This is entirely possible and predictable since the current law is judge made common law.

If the law is to be clear as the justice ministers would have us believe, it must be confirmed in statutory form so that a judge cannot draw the conclusions drawn by the dissenting judge in Leyland.

The justice department is just plain wrong to say the bill is unnecessary. They say that the usual legislative principle is to legislate only to cure a legal problem or advance a legal issue. Bill C-225 cures a legal problem, namely the incorrect thinking of the dissenting judge and allies she may have in the judiciary, and it advances a legal issue, namely that only single people of the opposite sex are permitted to marry.

The Department of Justice contends that the same concept of marriage is present throughout the world. This also is not accurate. A very large part of the world condones multiple marriage partners, something foreign to our society. Indeed, Queen Elizabeth recently visited the Sultan of Brunei who together with his two wives hosted a state dinner for the Queen. Bill C-225 would confirm that marriage in Canada does not include multiple spouses.

Is there a move to legitimize bigamy or polygamy? Let me quote from an October 1, 1998 article by Stephanie Nolen in the Globe and Mail , a newspaper that has been pushing for the legitimization of same sex relationships for years. Members will not believe it. Talk about current. The editor's note reads:

No need to waste it, so a growing number of couples think. They have embraced an alternative to the married-couple-for-life scenario, a style of relationship called “polyamory” where primary partners branch out to other partners, but in committed relationships too. But in an age when the traditional idea of marriage is taking it on the chin, polyamory makes some sense. Read on.

To quote from the article:

Polyamory (loving more than one) means maintaining intimate relationships with several people.

“There are greater numbers and greater acceptance for polyamory” says Brett Hill, co-editor of Loving More. “It's definitely changed since we started publishing 15 years ago”.

Poly relationships range from the couple in a long-term union who each see other people casually, to the committed threesome, to the polyfidelitous groups living a “married” life in multi-adult households.

Even child raising is better when you are poly, the proponents say.

Boy, talk about poly. The next step is the legitimization of polyamory and trying to get a marriage licence for three, four or five partners.

The justice department's considered legal opinion as the chief adviser to the chief law officer of the crown is “this bill risks opening further debate”. Oh my goodness. Debate. The legal advice of this department is that it risks opening further debate.

The Government of Canada needs a new law firm because that is not legal advice. That is political advice. This is the place for society's policies to be debated and decided, not in the policy cubicles of the Department of Justice and not by judge made law.

My colleague from Hochelaga—Maisonneuve, an avowed homosexual, in debate on Monday, June 8 made the following comments with which I wholeheartedly agree: “It is true that we would like the members of this House to make known their views on recognition of same sex spouses. To be sure, a debate must take place. Reformers are right when they say it is unacceptable in a democracy to leave it to judges to make the decisions. My colleague is right saying that this debate should be held in the House. We must vote on an important matter such as this”. He was talking about same sex benefits.

In conclusion, Bill C-225 is the vehicle to have this debate. The concept of marriage as it has always been in Canada is under attack. It continues to take it on the chin, as the Globe article put it.

It is time that the definition of marriage as the union of a single male and a single female was taken out of the hands of judges and judge made law and judge changed common law and put into a statute of the Parliament of Canada expressing the will of the people of Canada. Since the definition in Bill C-225 is argued by the justice department and the justice minister to be clear and since the justice minister has written “counsel from my department have successfully defended and will continue to defend this concept of marriage in court”, there can be no logical reason not to enshrine the principle in statute law.

The only real reason for not supporting this bill is fear of debate. That is not only shameful but it is truly lamentable.

I ask the House to support this bill.

Petitions September 30th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I have five petitions on the same subject matter, totalling 334 signatures from the communities of Kelowna and Chetwynd, British Columbia; Brantford, Ontario; and Winnipeg, Manitoba.

These petitions from across the country pray that parliament enact Bill C-225, an act to amend the Marriage Act and the Interpretation Act so as to define in statute that a marriage can only be entered into between a single male and a single female.

Canadian Security Intelligence Service Act September 30th, 1998

moved for leave to introduce Bill C-436, an act to amend the Canadian Security Intelligence Service Act (recommendations of the Review Committee).

Mr. Speaker, this is a very specific bill to amend section 52 of the Canadian Security Intelligence Service Act. It would provide that the recommendations of the Security Intelligence Review Committee are to be implemented unless overruled by the minister concerned.

In the event that the minister were to overrule, the minister would be required to report to parliament the reasons for overruling the decision of the committee. If the reasons were secret, the minister would be required to report to parliament why they are deemed to be secret.

The principle of the bill has been recommended to successive governments by the Security Intelligence Review Committee. Successive governments keep ignoring that recommendation so I keep bringing the bill forward.

(Motion deemed adopted, bill read the first time and printed)

Petitions September 29th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I have seven petitions, all on the same subject matter. They total approximately 450 signatures.

The first petition comes from my riding of Scarborough Southwest. The others are from New Westminster, British Columbia; Calgary, Alberta; Saskatoon, Saskatchewan; Winnipeg, Manitoba; LaSalle, Quebec; and Lower Sackville and Fall River, Nova Scotia.

All of the petitions call upon parliament to enact my Bill C-225, an act to amend the Marriage Act and the Interpretation Act so as to define in statute that which is already in federal common law, namely that a marriage can only be entered into between a single male and a single female.

Petitions June 10th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I have two sets of petitions, both on the same subject matter. The first one is signed by Canadians from in and around Yarmouth, Nova Scotia. The second one, containing over 300 signatures, is from constituents of my riding of Scarborough Southwest.

Both sets of petitions call upon parliament to enact Bill C-225, an act to amend the Marriage (Prohibited Degrees) Act and the Interpretation Act, which I introduced in the House, so as to define in statute that a marriage can only be entered into between a single male and a single female.

Supply June 9th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I listened attentively to my hon. colleague. I am sure the House will know that one of the problems with people who tell stories about fish is the reputation that these stories have, because of course with each telling the tale gets taller, the tale gets longer, and the tale gets further and further away from the truth.

Of course the very interesting thing about the hon. member's remarks was that he was talking about the fly being cast and back in 1993 the fish grabbed the bait. What the fisherman forgets is that there was an election in 1997.

All of these issues were mentioned. I am sure my hon. colleague mentioned them when he was running. The people of Canada spoke. The people of Canada said that, over all, the Liberal government was doing a good job and it deserved another mandate to continue doing what it had promised to do.

It is all well and good to talk about fishing, but let us remember that he was talking about history. Let us go back and give these people on the other side a history lesson. Obviously my friend over there needs a history lesson because he forgot that just one year ago the people of Canada gave us a second majority mandate.

Let us talk about facts. We cannot see into the future. We do not know whether or not the dire predictions are going to be correct with respect to gun control. All we know is that we are going to give it—and I hate to use the phrase—a shot to see what happens.

I ask my hon. friend, is it not true, notwithstanding his wonderful analogy about fly fishing, that there was an election in 1997 and that the people of Canada gave the Liberal government a second majority mandate? Is that not true?

Judges Act April 1st, 1998

Mr. Speaker, just for the benefit of Canadians who might be watching, in terms of my comments and my question to the hon. member, he mentioned at the tail end of his last remarks what in fact we are debating.

We are not debating a revamping of the Judges Act. We are debating amendments to the Judges Act. The summary of those amendments is as follows: to provide changes to salaries and in respect of eligibility for an annuity; to make additional changes to the judicial annuity scheme; to establish a Judicial Benefits and Compensation Commission; and to provide authority to pay additional appeal court and unified family court judges.

We are talking about compensation for judges. In this bill we are not talking about the removal of judges. We are not talking about conditional sentencing under the Criminal Code. That has nothing to do with Bill C-37.

I want to make a couple of comments to the hon. member and then ask him a couple of specific questions.

First I want to say that, as usual, his speeches are entertaining and easy to listen to. He makes good points. He is also perhaps a little bit loose with the facts.

He mentioned a number of judges. I was wondering how many of those judges are provincial court judges, appointed by various provincial governments across the country. The reason I am wondering this is because after each of the horror stories that the hon. member mentioned he blamed the people on this side of the House.

He answered his own question when he referred to Brian Sanderson. He indeed is a provincial court judge. That has nothing to do with the federal government. It has nothing to do with Bill C-37. It has absolutely nothing to do with an 8.5% pay increase.

Are all of the judges that were mentioned by the hon. member federal appointments? If they are—

Committees Of The House March 26th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I am a member of the Standing Joint Committee on the Scrutiny of Regulations and have been a member of that committee since 1989 without pause.

I came here this morning thinking that we would be discussing Bill C-28. I want to make a couple of comments and then ask the member a question, because I know the member is also a member of the committee along with me and with others.

Everything he says is what the joint committee said in its report to the House of Commons. The joint committee made these comments unanimously, as far as I recall, both from representatives of all parties on that committee and senators representing both parties in the other place. That report draws to the attention of the House exactly what the hon. member brought to the attention of the House in his speech.

My problem is very similar to what the parliamentary secretary just said. This is an important topic because it deals with the primacy of parliament. It deals with the ability of parliament, when called upon to do so, to disallow regulations that have been put forward by various departments.

Because this is a power the committee very rarely recommends that parliament exercise, it is important that all members are apprised of upcoming debate so that they can prepare and consider the issue carefully.

In view of a unanimous report of a joint committee, it is important that members of Parliament take their positions advisedly after having read the report carefully, after having considered all points of view, whatever they may be.

What troubles me is that the joint committee has already agreed that we would wait until next Thursday before taking any further action, in the hope that the solicitor general's department would deal with the regulations prior to April 4. It is already on the agenda for April 4, at which time our committee would make a final decision as to whether or not to recommend disallowance.

My question for the hon. member is simple. Why would he bring this matter forth now as opposed to waiting until after the committee had dealt with it on April 4, the last day the committee was prepared to permit the solicitor general to delay?

Budget Implementation Act, 1998 March 24th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I always listen carefully to the member for Elk Island but he lost me in that last comment. We will pay the debt down as fast as we possibly can in a measured way. It may take time. It took time to accumulate. We cannot do it overnight but it is going to be paid down. It is going to be paid down over successive governments with successive finances.

I appreciate the member's honesty in congratulating us. Obviously we listen to Canadians but I can tell the hon. member that when there was only one Reform member, the hon. member from Beaver River, even before that we were already talking about this in caucus.

Budget Implementation Act, 1998 March 24th, 1998

Mr. Speaker, I thank the hon. member for his question.

I only had 10 minutes so I could only go back to 1988. If I have the consent of the House I could go back to 1867 if hon. members would like to hear it.

When I was in opposition I did not vote for the GST. The Liberal Party fought the GST every step of the way. I was the revenue critic for the Liberal Party at that time. I went across the country advising businesses not to pay the GST until the law was actually passed. You will remember, Mr. Speaker, that the Conservative government was trying to collect the tax months before the legislation went through the Senate and indeed received royal assent.

Let us talk common sense. Of course the accumulated debt increased from $500 million to $585 million during the three years that we were in our original mandate. Why? Because we were still paying down the deficit. We cannot pay down the debt until we get rid of the deficit. We have gotten rid of the deficit. Now we will see the figures go down.