Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was quebec.

Last in Parliament May 2004, as Liberal MP for Châteauguay (Québec)

Lost his last election, in 2004, with 30% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Youth Criminal Justice Act January 31st, 2002

Mr. Speaker, I am stunned by the comment of the hon. member for Ancaster—Dundas--Flamborough—Aldershot when he says that Quebec is not a distinct society. They adopted a resolution in the House. They recognized Quebec's distinct character. When I say distinct society, this is a minimum. We are more than that, we are a nation. It goes much further than that.

The hon. member should at least have recognized that his government adopted a resolution in this House explaining that Quebec is a distinct society.

Why not respect Quebecers, not just Bloc Québécois members, but also members of his own party who are Quebecers and who hear him say that he trusts the standing committee on justice? That committee heard evidence and Quebecers were unanimous in saying that they want to have the right to opt out of Bill C-7.

Youth Criminal Justice Act January 31st, 2002

Mr. Speaker, the hon. member should think about the astronomical amounts that will have to be spent on a bill like Bill C-7. We are talking several hundreds of millions, perhaps even a billion dollars, just to implement Bill C-7.

What could we have done with all that money to help our young people?

Youth Criminal Justice Act January 31st, 2002

Mr. Speaker, I could speak at length on this issue. When talking about our young people, about a sense of humanity and even about an international convention on the rights of the child, we must look first at what is in the best interests of the child.

It is not only in the Divorce Act that we must look at what is in the best interests of the child, but in every aspect of our lives. In dealing with young offenders who are just starting out in life, this sense of humanity that I mentioned should be an important factor.

I am out of time, but I hope my remarks have helped our fellow citizens to gain a better understanding of Bill C-7.

Youth Criminal Justice Act January 31st, 2002

Mr. Speaker, I will begin by answering the hon. member's third question, since I find it is one of the most important matters we have had to address this week.

It is incredible to hear the Minister of Justice, after a scant two weeks in office, a minister from Quebec, telling Quebec “We are going to listen to the stakeholders”. More serious still, he takes the liberty of saying, a scant two weeks after his appointment, that there are others with more expertise in this matter than the Quebecers with their 30 year involvement in rehabilitation and social integration of young offenders. He gets up in the House to send a message to our stakeholders, “I will be coming to see you and to explain Bill C-7, and why it will be better than the present Young Offenders Act”.

It is incredible to hear such words from a minister who was there when the resolution on the distinct character of Quebec was adopted. There is no finer example of what is going on in the House at the present time. A resolution was passed, saying “Quebec is a distinct society”. But what does this mean? This is the first opportunity they have had to show that they respect this resolution. What is going on at present with Bill C-7 and the young offenders is the finest possible example.

Quebec's youth crime rate is the lowest in Canada and one of the lowest in North America. Our system works well. The government cannot claim not to know about this. Quebec stakeholders came to testify before the standing committee on justice. They explained what they could do and even more. Indeed, even judges came and said “We can even help implement our system in the rest of Canada if they so wish, but do not change this legislation. It works”.

It is not just members of parliament who say that the system works in Quebec. There is a consensus among all the stakeholders. And these stakeholders include judges, social workers, defence attorneys and police officers. They are unanimous.

I could mention others, but I do not want to give a comprehensive list. What we are talking about here is quasi-unanimity, in fact, unanimity among stakeholders.

Personally, I have never met anyone who said to me “Change this act”. No, it works. This is why I am saying this. And the facts and the figures show it. Our crime rate is the lowest in North America. This is rather significant, this is not idle chatter. The government must recognize this fact and respect what works well and even very well in Quebec.

This is the first opportunity for us to see how we are respected and perceived in Canada, to see if Quebec's distinct society truly exists. This is a golden opportunity for the government to say yes, to respect Quebec, to respect Bloc Québécois members who are making this request, and to respect the unanimous resolution passed by the Quebec National Assembly, asking for the right to opt out of Bill C-7.

Why not allow us to opt out? It would be consistent with their resolution if they allowed Quebec to be a distinct society, because the current legislation is working fine. Of course, the situation would be quite different if we had the highest crime rate. But this is not the case. Why not let us do what we want in Quebec, in our country, with the people who set up a system that respects our young people, and their parents?

The problem lies not only in criminalizing youth, but it will affect parents.

When young people commit an offence, regardless of how minor the offence may be, if we want to prevent them from repeating it, it is not enough to simply warn them in a letter: they need to be rehabilitated immediately. It is important to find out what prompted them to act in such a manner. Psychologists and social workers can work with them to put them back on track. The results in Quebec have been excellent and could be even better. How could this be done?

Just imagine the excellent rehabilitation services that could be provided to our young offenders if we had the resources, the hundreds of millions of dollars, even a billion dollars that will be used to implement Bill C-7.

Youth Criminal Justice Act January 31st, 2002

Mr. Speaker, I rise today to speak to Bill C-7, an act in respect of criminal justice for young persons and to amend and repeal other acts. The debate today is on the amendment put forward by the member for Berthier—Montcalm, which reads as follows:

That the motion be amended by deleting all the words after the word “That” and substituting the following: “the amendment made by the Senate to Bill C-7, an act in respect of criminal justice for young persons and to amend and repeal other acts, be not now read a second time and concurred in, since it does not in any way take into consideration the distinct character of Quebec and the Quebec model for implementation of the Young Offenders Act”.

Mr. Speaker, you have made a ruling which we respect, following the point of order raised by the member. However, I wish to submit immediately that there is a fundamental problem. There really is a difference in the translation and that is what the member for Berthier—Montcalm sought to clarify. We therefore respect your ruling from a procedural point of view.

Yet there is a serious matter of substance, as this will not be interpreted in the same manner by all of those involved, by judges and lawyers. I think that this issue will cause all kinds of trouble and confusion. The government must look into this difference at once.

Furthermore, the response to the questions asked of the Minister of Justice by the Bloc Québécois this week raises a serious issue. The minister has been in this portfolio for only two weeks. Quebec's distinct character, which the House passed a resolution to support, is being denied. The minister made things even worse when, after only two weeks on the job, he told us, regarding his bill, which is of course the former Minister of Justice's bill, that he would go and explain it to stakeholders who have spent more than 30 years making sure that the Young Offenders Act works in Quebec. Quebec has expertise in this and he has the gall to tell us that after two weeks, he is able to explain to Quebec stakeholders that their consensus is a house of cards because the bill is good.

I do not know who he thinks he is, but he is trying to tell us that Quebec's distinct character is not important and that Quebec will not be allowed to opt out from the legislation and use the expertise of the people that we have trained: social workers, psychologists, judges, the police and even associations of defence lawyers and crown attorneys. I do not understand how, after two weeks, he can go to them and explain to them in what way this bill will be an improvement.

What is worse is that under this bill, any adolescent who makes a mistake will be considered a hardened criminal from then on. Why such a sudden change in the definition and implementation of the terms for dealing with youth? The Bloc Québécois wants answers to this and has yet to be given any reasonable and logical explanation. The Bloc Québécois has come out against this bill from the beginning and we are still against it today. Let me explain why.

The act that is currently in effect, namely the Young Offenders Act, gives good and concrete results, particularly in Quebec. It was demonstrated time and again that the existing act must remain in effect. That is what this government and the new Minister of Justice should really do. However, it seems that the government, the new Minister of Justice and his predecessor do not want to listen to the comments and wishes of Quebecers, and particularly the consensus among stakeholders and experts on this issue in Quebec.

We are opposed to Bill C-7 because the new youth criminal justice system adversely impacts on the current Young Offenders Act, an act which respects young people for who they are, that is young people.

And how does the Young Offenders Act respect young people? By allowing for the use of a series of individually adjusted measures based on each person's needs, by taking into consideration the fact that we are dealing with young people, and by taking into account their specificity.

The existing Young Offenders Act, not Bill C-7, achieves concrete results in terms of young offenders' rehabilitation.

The goals are achievable and are often achieved, because the sentence relates to the offender, not to the offence. The Young Offenders Act also seeks to make the offender responsible for his actions. It also allows for the treatment of psychosocial problems, as part of a rehabilitation process designed to eventually get the young offender to reintegrate into society.

Therefore, I wonder why the federal government and the new Minister of Justice insist on changing this act, which gives very good results in Quebec, through appropriate and specific implementation.

I also wonder how these goals can be considered as grounds for change. In fact, I wonder how these goals can simply be replaced without any consideration for the results that they provide. The examples in Quebec speak for themselves and the government should have taken them into account.

But now we have Bill C-7 coming along to overturn the approach that is already in place. First and foremost, it seems that the intention is to no longer consider the offender an individual, but rather a criminal. One could even conclude that there is no longer any presumption of innocence. The crime takes precedence over the individual.

According to Bill C-7, it is the criminal principle which dominates, and responsibility and reintegration are somewhat secondary. From now on, hard line intervention with young offenders will be foremost and this is unacceptable.

The criminal act will be given first consideration. There will no longer be any question of taking the specifics of the young offender into consideration, his present context, the family situation, and the personal circumstances that have led to the commission of a criminal act. Nor is there any question of taking into consideration the psychological needs of the young person in determining the sentence appropriate to his case.

It is the governments intention, with Bill C-7, to lump all young people into one category: delinquents with no potential for rehabilitation. Why should this approach be taken, when there is evidence to the contrary in Quebec, with a system that has been successful for a number of years?

The Bloc Québécois believes that our young people deserve better. We are all responsible. Why then are we abandoning them? They belong to us all. Let us take the time to help them, rather than applying a simple criminal definition to them.

I will not refer again to the figures that support the Bloc Québécois's position regarding the successful application of the Young Offenders Act in Quebec, because, as we have seen, they mean nothing to the government or the new Minister of Justice. I will remind the House though that all of the main stakeholders in Quebec have unanimously denounced this bill.

Once again, I just do not understand how the government and the new Minister of Justice can ignore the opinions and recommendations of experts and draft a bill that does not begin to take into consideration young people and their needs, despite the fact that the bill mentions these needs in its preamble.

Therefore, I question the real motives of this government and the new Minister of Justice who have developed and drafted a bill such as this on youth crime without taking into account the reality of youth today.

I fear that the repercussions of Bill C-7 will be disastrous. Rather than adjusting the modalities of the bill to the specific needs of young people, Bill C-7 seems to promote a rigid and strict framework to which young people will have to adapt automatically. It is this type of enforcement with no regard whatsoever for needs and circumstances that makes this bill worrisome.

The Young Offenders Act gives positive results and helps reduce crime among young people because it is enforced based specifically on the needs and circumstances. Its success was demonstrated in Quebec. The Young Offenders Act gives positive results.

Why not allow Quebec to opt out of Bill C-7 and keep doing a fine job with the existing Young Offenders Act?

The Bloc Québécois is opposed to Bill C-7, because this legislation promotes the systematic enforcement of the act and uses the offence, instead of the offender, to determine the applicable sentence.

I am also concerned when I read that the main focus of Bill C-7 is not the child's interest, but presumably society's interest. Thus, Bill C-7 tends to make the child guilty before the conclusion of the judicial process. This goes against international law, which provides that the best interest of the child must always come first. In fact, the Quebec government will challenge Bill C-7 as soon as it becomes law. The federal government is eliminating the status of young person to have only one status, that of adult.

The child's interest must be paramount in any sentence. This is a legally recognized principle. However, in Bill C-7, it has been set aside in favour of the principle of proportionate accountability. In short, sentences must be similar, regardless of the circumstances and needs, which are specific to each individual.

This approach will very likely cause a problem, because it requires a complete change in the procedure to be followed for all stakeholders. Furthermore, there is talk of several hundreds of millions of dollars just to implement Bill C-7, and close to a billion dollars to introduce it. Imagine all that we could do with this money if we used the Young Offenders Act the way it was meant to be used.

Now, youth justice stakeholders will have to place the emphasis on sentencing. Individuals will no longer be individuals, but sentences.

They will also have to perform small miracles if young offenders are to obtain rehabilitation that in any way meets their needs.

Under the existing legislation, stakeholders can act quickly for lesser offences. The needs of offenders are identified right from the start and the sentences are determined accordingly.

Although the new bill deals with diversion, it will also lessen the number of young people who will be sent to residential youth centres. This might become a problem, because a young person who repeatedly commits minor offences could only be given warnings, rather than any attempt being made to nip his delinquent tendencies in the bud by requiring him to be kept in a youth centre and trying to correct his delinquent behaviour.

Those in Quebec who deal every day with young offenders could tell you—and in fact a number of them did in committee—that there is a real potential for rehabilitation and social reintegration within the current legislation, the Young Offenders Act, as it is applied in Quebec.

The shortcoming in Bill C-7 lies in its inflexibility. There can be no corrective intervention except once the young offender has become fully engaged in criminal activity. So the whole thing has become reversed: the sentence takes precedence over the individual.

Another problem with Bill C-7 is that it introduces the concept of parole. In fact, Bill C-7 provides for automatic parole after two-thirds of a sentence. The Young Offenders Act requires that a young person be kept in custody throughout their sentence. There is no question of parole, unless there is evidence of genuine progress suggesting that the young person could return to the community.

It must be kept in mind that the decision to grant parole is an individualized one, and thus provides proper protection for the quality of rehabilitative interventions.

The Bloc Québécois is totally opposed to Bill C-7 because it does not give free rein to education and rehabilitation and, as the bottom line, does not make the young person assume any responsibility. Bill C-7 transforms young offenders into adults and totally forgets about what differentiates youth from adults.

What is more, with this bill the government has introduced a false notion about young people, by creating an image of the violent and unredeemable young delinquent with no hope. The government has preferred to react to a wave of panic that sees all young people as offenders.

By introducing Bill C-7, the government is seeking to allay society's fears about young people. It is, however, lulling society into a false feeling of comfort and security. I must say again: our young people are being rehabilitated, made to assume responsibility, and reintegrated into society at the present time, particularly in Quebec. Bill C-7 on the other hand is criminalizing our young people by punishing them first rather than rehabilitating them.

This is a rushed bill, and one that has not had sufficient scrutiny of its repercussions. It must also be pointed out that this bill jeopardizes something Quebec is doing well, as it attempts to set national standards but without defining their parameters.

The government has a duty to respect what yields positive results. This bill is vague, confining and repressive. Overall, Bill C-7 is against education, against reintegration, against assigning responsibility, and of course against our youth.

We have learned that it is pointless to count on the government listening. On the one hand, we were being encouraged to present our views in committee but, on the other hand, once we turned up there we were told we could question the government in the House during question period. Being shuttled back and forth like that is not getting the government to listen.

In the same vein, stakeholders from Quebec came to give testimony that the Young Offenders Act must remain in effect because it responds exactly to what young people and society, Quebec society, need if it is implemented properly and in keeping with its intent. This is not something that happened overnight. To get it operating properly has taken 30 years. Our statistics are among the lowest in North America, and the lowest in Canada. Why not use the Quebec model, instead of once again pushing aside what is being done well in Quebec?

We have noticed that the government would rather not hear what those who work with youth everyday have to say. The government and the new minister are responding to some false notion of youth in their approach to this sensitive issue, and this is disappointing.

At the risk of repeating myself, the government and the new Minister of Justice would rather abandon young people and reassure society with a false sense of security than learn from Quebec's extensive experience, which has proven itself on many occasions in this field.

The Bloc Québécois is proud our youth and we want to protect them, but more importantly, we want to listen to them and provide them with the tools they need to succeed and become proud and full-fledged citizens. This is why we oppose this bill.

We are talking about enormous sums of money that could have been used, given to Quebec and Canada to rehabilitate our youth. We had been hoping that a minister from Quebec, and not Alberta would listen to what people from Quebec had to say. Our response is the following: “If you want this bill, if you want to impose stricter sentences and send your young people to jail instead of rehabilitating them, that's your business”.

What we are asking for, and what we have been asking for is that Quebec be allowed to opt out of Bill C-7 in order to protect our young people and rehabilitate them. These are not criminals, these are not delinquents, these are young people.

Youth Criminal Justice Act January 30th, 2002

Mr. Speaker, first I want to congratulate my colleague on his eloquent speech on the subject of young offenders. He has a lot of expertise in that area and I think that he has a good knowledge of the situation, having met with the people, the various coalitions and all stakeholder groups.

The Minister of Justice, who has held that position for two weeks only—and who happens to be a Quebecer—says that he is going to explain his bill to Quebecers, to those people who had the chance to study the bill long before he did. But the bill is not his. It comes from his predecessor. All stakeholders have said, almost unanimously, that the bill was complicated and that it would not give us a system that works as well as the one we have now under the Young Offenders Act.

The minister said that he was going to demonstrate that this bill will be even more interesting. And yet, the consensus is telling him not the change the current legislation because it is working well.

I would like to ask a question of the justice critic of the Bloc Quebecois. The implementation costs of Bill C-7 will certainly run in the hundreds of millions of dollars. I would like him to tell us what we could do now with such huge sums with the Young Offenders Act.

Gala Sports-Québec January 29th, 2002

Mr. Speaker, the Bloc Quebecois is pleased to offer its congratulations to the Quebec athletes who received the Maurice award at the January 24 Gala Sports-Québec ceremony, which I had the honour of attending.

We wish to congratulate skier Mélanie Turgeon and snowboarder Jasey-Jay Anderson, who won Maurice awards for female and male athletes of the year, and ice dance pair, Jamie Salé and David Pelletier, on their excellence in their category.

The award for team of the year went to the Sainte-Foy Gouverneurs, winners of the Air Canada Cup hockey tournament. I am particularly proud of hockey player Kim St-Pierre of Châteauguay, who was named team sport athlete of the year.

I would also like to mention diver Emmanuelle B. Dupuis and hockey player Pierre-Marc Bouchard, who were named best new athletes of the year. Quebec's athletes continue to distinguish themselves and show us in no uncertain terms that they are a force to reckon with on the sports scene.

Good luck and congratulations to all.

The Budget January 29th, 2002

Mr. Speaker, I will continue my remarks, but I will tone down a little, because, when a remark is made by the Chair, we should listen.

I want to mention that when we are asked whether this government or the Quebec government should decide where and when our infrastructure or road projects should be carried out, I hope that your remarks about the respect we should have for this House will be heeded by the member opposite.

Let me explain what the rules should be. In matters of road construction and development in our country, in Quebec for example, our National Assembly and our government should decide where and how we want roads built.

The hon. member said that this is simply handing out money to get the work done as we want it done, but I say that we should be the prime contractor. Yes, we can do it and we have the expertise to do it. The hon. member wondered if we should hand out these funds. The government had the opportunity to have its say, to negotiate as an equal partner when the federal Minister of Transport met Quebec's transport minister. He negotiated and he led us on the wrong track when he said “We will call for tenders in the private sector to see if they will get on board”. We have to wait for a budget tabled by the Minister of Finance instead of getting the real picture from the Minister of Transport, who would say “No, we will not do it. We are creating a foundation and we want to keep all this secret because I am afraid to negotiate with your minister”. I do not know why this is so.

Let the federal government give us the money. We specifically asked that it be invested in infrastructures, so that Quebec's transport minister would have money available to complete this highway 30. He would have no choice but to go ahead with the construction. We are now being told that they are backing up, that a foundation is being established and that we are to negotiate with people who are appointed because they are good friends of the Liberals. These people will not be accountable to our fellow citizens. Who will decide? Creating a foundation is nonsense. We want the money so that we, as prime contractor, can make the decisions.

The Budget January 29th, 2002

Mr. Speaker, I thank the hon. member for his question. He is asking me whether Quebec should be in charge and make decisions about which roads to build, where and when. Let me tell the parliamentary secretary that is the way it should be, because it is up to us, and to the members of the National Assembly in particular, to decide where and how Quebec will develop.

It certainly should not be up to a board already appointed by you or the Prime Minister to decide—

The Budget January 29th, 2002

Mr. Speaker, I would like to indicate that I will be sharing my time with the member for Jonquière.

First, the example that I will use affects the people in my riding of Châteauguay, in the Montérégie and in greater Montreal. However, this example, which may appear to focus on the issue of highway 30, will nonetheless have an impact on all Quebecers and on all Canadians.

Let us not be fooled. A budget is about more than just numbers, much more than numbers. I will touch on infrastructure in particular, on this strategic infrastructure foundation which was mentioned and which will likely be set up during this session, this spring.

I am surprised that there has not been much talk in parliament about the importance of this foundation, yet another foundation that will be created. This is one more scheme to chip away at the powers of all of us sitting here today, of members of parliament. What is happening to democracy in this parliament?

When I rise to speak to the Liberal government bills, and this is not just coincidence, on almost every occasion, for every debate or speech, I have to intervene and warn the House that democracy is being threatened.

Each time that I stand, I imagine what it woould be like if the 301 members, maybe a few less, because the ministers or the executive have given themselves more powers, were to stand. How can it be that members of the House, not only those in the opposition benches, be they members of the official opposition, the Bloc Quebecois, the New Democratic Party, the Conservative Party, or the Progressive Conservative/Democratic Representative Coalition, but also members from the Liberal Party, how can it be that we are being told that this budget is good? I heard this being said earlier: “one of the best budgets that could have been brought down for Canadians and Quebecers”. I simply do not understand.

The problem is as follows: by quoting figures, they believe they will stop comments by our fellow citizens, our constituents. They say that they have “invested two billion dollars in the foundation”, which is, of course, most welcome. “If there is a surplus at the end of the fiscal period ending in March, if there is a surplus, some of it will be invested”. Invested in a foundation that is controlled by whom? By a board, once again by people who have not been elected.

Instead, they are prime ministerial or government appointees, but we know very well that the one behind it is the Prime Minister of Canada and that he will keep on making partisan appointments. We have no inkling of who these people will be, or how they will be chosen. We have some suspicions, however, that they will be cronies once again.

Imagine. Take the example of highway 30. There were promises right from the start, during the campaign for the November elections, about building two bridges to access highway 30, along with a 14 km stretch of road. I have risen in the House on a number of occasions to ask the government what progress it has made on this promise concerning highway 30, and the memorandum of agreement the Quebec minister of transport was asking it to sign.

There has never been an answer of “Yes, we are going to sign it and yes, we are going to finally respect our promse and commitment on highway 30. The work will be done”. All that we heard at first was “Oh yes, we are progressing. We are at the request for information stage”.

That was what we kept on hearing until December. So even without a budget, we would still be hearing the same thing today. They are at the request for information stage with the private sector, to find out whether it might be involved in the undertaking.

From the outset, what we were not told was that the goal was not to sign this cost-sharing memorandum of agreement and provide funding for the completion of highway 30, because the government knew that it would set up a foundation, I think this is the eleventh, to make it hard for MPs and the auditor general to find out what they are doing with taxpayer money.

This approach creates a second, unelected parliament, which will be run by unelected officials, by people who have been appointed. This is serious. Each time, I am forced to speak about the erosion of democracy.

This erosion has been taking place since the September 11 attacks. We thought that bin Laden had not been successful. No one can locate him, but he has still been successful to the extent that even in our parliament we have seen an unbelievable loss of democracy. We asked this government to hold a debate on the deployment of troops so that the House could hold a vote. This was rejected out of hand. Worse yet, the public is being led to believe, through the take note debate held last night, that something is being done, when the decision had already been taken to send our troops to Afghanistan or a bordering nation.

These troops will capture prisoners and hand them over to the United States, which will enforce the law as it sees fit with respect to those prisoners, whether or not it complies with the laws of Canada or the Geneva convention. We will have no control.

This government talks about Canadian sovereignty. I do not think it understands why Quebecers want to be sovereign. It is handing over to the Americans its sovereign right to decide what is to be done with the prisoners.

I now go back to the foundation. When the government talks about $2 billion, it is of course over a three year period, provided there is a surplus. For Quebec, over a three year period, this means from $400 million to $500 million. In Quebec, during the election campaign, the government made promises totalling in excess of $3 billion for highways alone.

This foundation will not only deal with highways, but also with construction projects, convention centres and all kinds of infrastructures. What is worrisome is that the government is killing two birds with one stone. Parliament will no longer have any control over how these public funds are used. The federal government will even be able to bypass the provinces, and Quebec in particular, to negotiate directly with municipalities.

Again, I am convinced that this is either a lack of vision or a lack of honesty, not only intellectual honesty, because we know about the surpluses that they took from the employment insurance fund. They have taken over $40 billion, and the amount for this year is said to be in excess of $13 billion.

Earlier, I heard a member say during his speech that the government was giving us a present. What present? This is not a present, it is money that comes from our taxes. People who are in precarious jobs are deprived of over $40 billion in the employment insurance fund. I just figured out what they mean by a present. They take the money and, instead of giving it to those who contributed in order to eventually get benefits, they give that money to cronies, they put it in other areas instead of reinvesting the available money directly in the infrastructure.

I want to tell my fellow citizens from Châteauguay, the Montérégie or the greater Montreal region that I will force this government to respect its commitment regarding highway 30. I will also see that this foundation is set up as quickly as possible and that audits are conducted, even though the auditor general will not be able to look into what the board of directors is doing.