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Crucial Fact

  • His favourite word was federal.

Last in Parliament May 2004, as Bloc MP for Lévis-Et-Chutes-De-La-Chaudière (Québec)

Lost his last election, in 2015, with 12% of the vote.

Statements in the House

Canadian Tourism Commission Act November 2nd, 1999

Madam Speaker, it is now my turn to speak to Bill C-5. I do not think I will have time to finish before members are called in for the vote, but I would like to say that the Bloc Quebecois, for different reasons from those of the Reform Party—and I think the Reform Party will probably vote against this bill unless things change during consideration in committee—will vote against this bill. I will try to explain our reasons for opposing it.

Before explaining our position, I would like to draw a comparison with other bills now before the House—the first one that comes to mind is the one on the airline industry.

Often the government decides to indicate a direction without even legislating. In other cases, as we saw this morning, the House is not consulted until many years later, sometimes after an international treaty had been signed.

So that people are very clear, in this case, the Canadian Tourism Commission—because there is one—was established in 1995, and the purpose of this bill is to consolidate, as it were, something that already exists, something that was established by ministerial order a few years back.

It is an odd way of going about things to ask us to pass legislation after a number of things have already been done with respect to tourism. The question that comes to mind is this: why on earth use a bill now to create this crown corporation in order to make official what already exists?

If we look at the bill and examine the difference between the mandate the government wants to give the future Canadian Tourism Commission and the mandate of the former Canadian Tourism Commission, it becomes clear that this is a visibility operation. It is an opportunity for the government to promote Canadian unity by talking about Canadian unity and the integrity of Canada.

The mission of the previous commission was clear. It was short, but it was clear. The mission statement read “Canada's tourism industry will deliver world-class cultural and leisure experiences year-round, while preserving and sharing Canada's clean, safe and natural environments. The industry will be guided by the values of respect, integrity and empathy”.

There was also mention of promoting the growth and profitability of the Canadian tourist industry. That makes sense, since we are talking about promoting tourism.

What is the mission of the new commission? The bill says it all. It reads:

Whereas the Canadian tourism industry is vital to the social and cultural identify and integrity of Canada;

Terrific. There is a huge difference. There is no more talk of promoting tourism or organizing activities. There is nothing of the sort. There is no talk of profitability either.

A little further along, it reads:

Whereas it is desirable to strengthen Canada's commitment to Canadian tourism by establishing a Tourism Commission that would work with the governments of the provinces and the territories and the Canadian tourism industry to promote the interests of that industry and to market Canada as a desirable tourist destination—

We will recall the first paragraph, which provides:

Whereas the Canadian tourism industry is vital to the social and cultural identity and integrity of Canada;

The government is going to use tourism for political ends, to make political propaganda. That is the intent of this bill. It is consistent with a certain view. We can see the reactions of the Liberal members opposite. They are beginning to get it.

My Reform colleague spoke a bit about this government's approach. It creates government agencies to control the information it intends to give us elected representatives. We have a mandate here in the House to question the Minister of Industry, who will be responsible for this commission.

We can guess in advance what the answer will be. The minister will say “This commission must report to me. Unfortunately, before we can answer your question, you must wait for the end of the fiscal year, in a few months, after the commission has tabled its annual report. I encourage you to contact the commission directly. Perhaps it will supply you with some answers”.

We are familiar with this kind of commission. As soon as economic activity is involved, the answer is “Given the commercial aspect, it may be our duty not to disclose all the findings of marketing and feasibility studies and so on”.

Quite naturally, this commission will hide behind the secrecy relating to commercial practices. We are familiar with that. It has been going on as long as we have had this government, and the Department of Industry specializes in it.

There are grounds for concern. We are not always in agreement with the Reformers, even if we share the same side of the House. We are in agreement with them on this, however. We are concerned about this, and rightly so.

The are other examples. The millennium scholarship foundation is not over with yet. When the government cannot do what it wants directly, when it wants to interfere in provincial jurisdictions, then it sets up an agency, a foundation, to try and give scholarships directly to students. For what purpose? To hand out nice cheques with a maple leaf on them, to mark the millennium. We must never forget that maple leaf. People need to know that the money came from the federal government. That is one of the goals: visibility, seeking a high profile.

The government also created the society for health research and innovation. Same thing again. Health is a provincial jurisdiction. Because it cannot interfere too directly, the federal government does so through a foundation.

The universities, which normally come under provincial jurisdiction, are invited to apply for subsidies. Once again, the government is doing indirectly what it cannot do directly. More and more, it is interfering in provincial jurisdictions. Why? Because the government is looking for visibility.

The Minister of Finance has confirmed that he has even more money than he thought he would. Money is flowing in from everywhere and has to be distributed. If only this money could be returned to the provinces through transfer payments. This is how it could be done. No; the government continues to cut, or maintain cuts—it is all in the wording and is developing new programs. This bill is more of the same.

While the government is trying to replace the old commission with a new one, with a stronger mandate for purposes of visibility and political propaganda, what is it doing? It is taking back money earmarked—I am not inventing this, it is to be found in the budget—for a subsidiary tourism agreement with the Government of Quebec. The amount involved is $700,000. This year, not a red cent is earmarked for that agreement; everything has been cut. Why? Beacause the Minister of Industry, through the minister responsible for economic development for the Quebec regions, told the House that the federal government had its own strategy.

Now we can understand better why it does not want to reach an agreement with the Government of Quebec on tourism. It wants to keep the money and spend it itself. Why? To improve its visibility. The same old story.

And are we sure that the money the new Canadian Tourism Commission might distribute will be consistent with the strategic plans approved by regional stakeholders in Quebec, for example by regional development councils, by local development councils, by regional tourism associations? No.

The member for Jonquière was talking about this very issue; it is the same in her riding. The member for Louis-Hébert has run into the same problem. The dreadful to-do over the aquarium at the Charlesbourg zoo is common knowledge. We are told that they cannot get involved in that. Yet this is a priority clearly expressed by the people in that region. So the question is “Is the aquarium in Quebec City really international?”. Well, I have seen international projects, and I will give an example of one.

I have nothing against the people in Gatineau, who have a fine hot air balloon festival, but an argument for the federal government's giving more in the area of tourism is an opportunity to fly the federal balloon. And it is not far, just in Gatineau. They cross the Ottawa river and reach Ottawa. So it goes beyond Quebec's jurisdictions and therefore money can go to it because the Canadian maple leaf can be seen floating in the air, and suddenly the thing becomes an international event.

You think I am joking? This is very serious. In the activity report of the former Canadian tourism commission, in an effort to get more federal government money, there was a place where they reported having stylized the fine federal maple leaf and that it had been flown as many times as possible and that, with a little more money, it could be flown even more.

Visibility is what this is about. The government is seeking visibility. But there are other aspects of this bill that concern us. It talks of 26 directors. That is quite a lot of people. When we look at the representation decided upon for the provinces, out of the seven board members, there is only one representing Quebec. For the private sector, the same distribution: seven people, just one for Quebec.

Finally, in the sector not associated with the government or designated by the minister, still only one person. Out of 26, three will be officially designated by Quebec stakeholders or by the Government of Quebec.

This is pretty far away from the concept of two founding peoples. Granted, in 1867, Quebec accounted for about 50% of the Canadian population, and now only about 24%. Normally, we ought to expect to have about a 25% representation still. And twenty-six divided by four is at least six, if we drop the decimals. But we are down to three, and even these three are not a certainty, because at least one of the three is to be appointed directly by the minister. It is highly unlikely that person would be a friend of the Quebec sovereignist regime.

We cannot be opposed to the idea of a Canadian Tourism Commission. What is tourism? I have looked in various dictionaries, and it boils down to an activity with an economic, a commercial, tinge. In the Constitution—which I look at far more often than the little catechism book my mother left to me—it is stated that all commercial activity is a provincial jurisdiction.

I can understand that sometimes a commercial activity can be interprovincial. I can understand outside promotion. But there are organizations that already do that very well. There is a commission that spends a great deal of money on that.

Once again—and I will conclude on this because time is passing and I know people want to vote, because Tuesday is voting day—the fundamental goal of this government in this bill is, yet again, to seek out visibility.

On the subject of identity, what government is in a better position to promote Quebec's cultural tourist events, such as the festivals in Montreal, the Festival de Jazz, the Festival de l'humour, the Festival d'été de Québec—

Civil International Space Station Agreement Implementation Act November 2nd, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I am somewhat amazed at what is going on in the House at the present time.

I see only Reform Party members speaking. One of them, a member of the Standing Committee on Industry, has just said that they were in agreement with the bill.

I can understand that this gives my hon. colleague another chance to speak about his former company and the cassettes it sold, but it seems to me that the House's time is valuable. The Bloc Quebecois is in agreement with this bill. Having visited the space agency in Saint-Hubert, there is much I could say and, being a member of the industry committee, I am somewhat aware of the various facets of this subject.

Unless there is an objective of negotiation, if there is agreement, why stretch out the discussion, especially if everyone is already in agreement? I would like my colleague to explain this to me, then perhaps I will understand.

Canada Elections Act October 29th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, subsequent to the Chief Electoral Officer's appearance before the Standing Committee on Procedure and House Affairs, Mr. Kingsley spoke of his displeasure at seeing this bill retain governmental appointment of returning officers.

My question is for the leader of the Government in the House. How can the minister explain his double-speak, saying on the one hand that the purpose of his bill is equity and transparency, while on the other hand maintaining government control over the appointment of the main officials involved?

Supply October 28th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, very quickly, I would like to give the member for Charlevoix a chance to finish what he was saying about regional transportation in the future.

The 10% rule issue is about whether we should allow concentration of powers or keep things fair. As for regional transportation, I know that the Bloc Quebecois would like another, broader debate.> Small regional carriers do exist but, right now, there is at least one Canadian company having trouble providing good regional service because of major financial difficulties.

I would like to hear whether my colleague agrees that the issue of regional air transportation rules should be debated again. In my view, this is a truly important issue.

Supply October 28th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I do not have the same respect as my colleague does for the former minister, but for other reasons.

This former minister, who was a heavyweight in the government of Pierre Elliott Trudeau, expressed his opinion. But the fact that the hon. member for Lac-Saint-Louis has made his position known leads me to making the following comment.

I see an hon. member from the Montreal area who is usually very vocal, but she has had nothing to say on this issue. Yet, she represents a Montreal riding very close to the airport. I invite her to come forward, just as the hon. member for Lac-Saint-Louis did.

Supply October 28th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I refer to the last part of the member's speech, where she says that it would have to be organized and that things should be done in the best possible way. I completely agree with her on that. The Bloc quebecois has attempted to set an example in this regard.

When the government refused to let the Standing Committee on Transport hear stakeholders, the Bloc Quebecois created a shadow committee to give everybody an opportunity to voice their opinions. Of course, the liberals would not have anything to do with it. However, when we talk about organization, the government decided to suspend application of the relevant section of the Act, saying that the situation should not be referred to the Canadian Competition Bureau for 90 days. We would be very happy if this issue were referred to the Competition Bureau.

At meetings of the Standing Committee on Industry, of which I am a member, the subject of the Competition Bureau often comes up, and that makes sense. So far, however, the opposite has happened. The process is not transparent, not democratic at all. It is on the Bloc Quebecois' initiative that the subject is being discussed today, that there is a public debate being held, in the public interest. We hope that the Reform Party will do the same.

When the matter was raised in caucus—

Supply October 28th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, I am most enthusiastic about taking part in this debate, which is an extremely important one, in my opinion.

All debates are important, in my opinion, but this one is of vital importance for those who work in the airline industry, and for the consumers, those who fly. It is vital as well for economic and regional development, for all these aspects are interrelated.

Since the first speech by the leader of the Bloc Quebecois, I have listened carefully to everything the representatives of the other parties have had to say. I am delighted that the Progressive Conservative Party and the NDP have declared their intention of backing the motion by the member for Beauport—Montmorency—Côte-de-Beaupré—Île-d'Orléans. This pleases me a great deal.

However, representatives of the other parties—the Liberals of course, and the Reformers—have said they were opposed. As far as Reform is concerned, one could doubt their consistency, as it seems to vary depending on the subject, but in this case their point of view is clear.

The Reform member who has just spoken referred to the interests of the west. She did not seem to be upset by the fact that the Americans want to get their hands on more shares in the airlines.

The Bloc Quebecois' position is consistent with earlier government decisions in certain areas. In the case of the banks, or other sectors of the economy, the 10% rule was enforced. The exception was CN, where the government allowed up to 15%. The Bloc Quebecois was not in agreement.

We have therefore always been consistent. If the rule is 10%, we are not going to change it to suit the circumstances. We therefore have to wonder why the Minister of Transport said, before Air Canada shareholders have cast their votes at the November 8 meeting, “Things are changing, and we must too”.

Why change at this particular time, when we know that not a session goes by—at least, not since I have been in parliament— that the situation in the airline industry is not discussed in one way or another?

There have been questions from all the opposition parties. The government had things to say as well. Everyone was concerned about the future of Air Canada and of Canadian International Airlines. So why, at this particular time, is the government, while claiming not to want to intervene, suggesting that, before shareholders make their fateful decision on November 8, it would now be prepared to change the 10% rule?

And the suggestion was not made by just anybody. Not by an official, a backbencher or a parliamentary secretary, but by the Minister of Transport himself. So, he is speaking on behalf of Cabinet. So, they have discussed the matter.

When we look at the series of events that have occurred since August 13, we can see that, in the end, we are in a context in which the government has decided to make a choice. It has waited for just the right moment. Why? Because Onex is involved. It knew that Onex was prepared to act. The government, according to us—at least that is what I think—the government is changing its tune, and now it would like to help Onex with its project. Since it does not want to do so overtly, it is doing so covertly.

Doing covertly what one cannot do overtly is not being transparent. It is acting. It is a scenario that would do for a great film. It is a strategy that does not fool the members of the Bloc Quebecois or the media, and commentators who are following the story closely.

It is part of a well formulated plan. The way things are going, since the parties on both sides are following this debate even more closely than the average citizen, it is clear that they know how to decode the messages sent them by the government. This ability will significantly influence the results of the general meeting of Air Canada shareholders. At least, it can change it a lot.

So, while the government did not intervene in any way, the Air Canada shareholders will have only one option on November 8: accept or reject Air Canada's offer, since it is the only one that goes by the rules.

There is however one principle at stake, the one according to which we must act in the best interests of all Canadians and of all Quebecers. It is therefore a matter of interest. We must ask ourselves in whose best interests the Minister of Transport was acting when he made his position known on Tuesday.

I am talking about the position he indirectly took when he suggested that he was ready to consider changing the rules. What purpose would that serve? To enhance services? To protect as many jobs as possible? To promote the interests of some shareholders? To promote the interests of a handful of government buddies perhaps?

We do not know. We are asking the question. Today's debate gives us the opportunity to ask this question. The Bloc Quebecois is wondering in whose best interests the government is acting.

This is a rather simple question, at least to us in the Bloc. We have always stated, and we keep reminding people, that we are here—because we only ran candidates in Quebec—to protect the interests of Quebec. We are here first and foremost to protect the interests of our province. Air Canada and Canadian Airlines International are Canadian companies, and competition should be given free reign.

I am surprised to see that our colleagues from the Reform Party, who always saw the competition rule as a protection for consumers, now seem to be supporting the new way of thinking of the transport minister, who is announcing in advance what he intends to do to encourage certain people who have interests or shares in these companies.

The Bloc Quebecois' position is clear: we want the competition rule to be maintained. Obviously, we do not want to see any company disappear. In this era of economic liberalism, performance and the quality of goods and services are the main factors that will make or break a company, and that has to remain.

Even if we had only one major air carrier, there would still be competition because other international carriers fly to Canada, and there are regional carriers that are not affiliated with Air Canada or Canadian International Airlines. For example, starting November 1, Air Montreal will serve Quebec and Ottawa. Therefore, there are opportunities for the regions also, and one sound company that provides good services is better than two that are struggling to survive.

Speech From The Throne October 15th, 1999

Madam Speaker, ten minutes is a short time for a lot of people in this parliament, but especially for the member for Mercier who, obviously, had a lot more to say.

She opened a door at the very end of her speech. She had only one minute left when she raised the problem of funding for universities, a problem which was created in part by the federal government. Members will recall the drastic cuts in research and development, which had a particular impact on universities.

I would also like her to comment on the following: this morning, in a newspaper, there was an article about maternity leave. I was struck by the title of this article written by Jean-Jacques Samson, from Quebec City, with whom I do not always agree, but who really did put his finger on the problem. He pointed out that the federal government wants to show some generosity by extending maternity leave without changing UI eligibility rules but, at the same time, that we must not forget that it no longer contributes to the UI fund. Only employers and employees contribute to the fund.

Is the federal government not doing the same thing it did to the provinces, namely cutting transfer payments and using all kinds of schemes to look generous, trying to impress Canadians with other people's money?

Foster Families October 15th, 1999

Mr. Speaker, we forget and all too often minimize the contribution made by foster families in our society. In Quebec, the third week of October is set aside to officially honour foster families.

I therefore take this opportunity to pay tribute to the extraordinary support foster families provide in our society.

They look after children and adolescents providing the support, protection and training these young people really need, and this help is not negligible, because the Fédération des familles d'accueil du Québec alone represents nearly 3,250 families.

We therefore honour foster families for their invaluable contribution to society. On behalf of the members of the Bloc Quebecois, I would like to thank them and congratulate them on their unending efforts on behalf of our young people.

Shipbuilding Act, 1999 October 14th, 1999

moved for leave to introduce Bill C-213, an act to promote shipbuilding, 1999.

Mr. Speaker, I am pleased today to introduce a bill to promote shipbuilding in Canada.

Basically, it consists of three measures: a loan guarantee program specific to shipbuilding; a leasing write-off provision; a shipbuilding tax credit similar to the one that already exists in Quebec. These three measures were proposed two years ago by the Canadian shipbuilders' association and had the support of the interunion coalition of 4,000 shipbuilding workers in Canada.

(Motions deemed adopted, bill read the first time and printed)