Preston Manning

[Kosovo, April 14th, 1999]

Mr. Speaker, regardless of the explanation now, the commitment of ground troops to action in Yugoslavia is no longer a hypothetical situation as it was described a day ago in the House by the Prime Minister.

What is Canada expected to commit to this UN ground force? Will the Prime Minister now be seeking a mandate for that commitment from this House through a votable motion?

[Kosovo, April 14th, 1999]

Mr. Speaker, the German peace plan calls for a heavily armed UN ground force to move into Kosovo as Yugoslav forces withdraw.

If the Canadian government was discussing this plan with the Germans last week, why did the Prime Minister tell the House that the commitment of ground troops was not at all being considered at this time?

[Kosovo, April 14th, 1999]

Mr. Speaker, today Germany unveiled a peace plan to end the crisis in the Balkans.

This plan offers Milosevic a 24 hour suspension of NATO air strikes if he starts withdrawing his forces from Kosovo. It calls for a UN force to move in as Yugoslav forces withdraw. It entails a ceasefire and disarmament plan for ethnic Albanians and the return of refugees under a temporary UN administration.

Has Canada endorsed the German peace plan?

[Kosovo, April 13th, 1999]

Mr. Speaker, we are not talking debate. We are talking about votes. I want to read something:

My deepest concern is that they will simply be using parliament to try to rubber-stamp or ratify decisions already taken as opposed to letting parliament be the forum in which those decisions are formulated.

Those are not my words. Those are the words of the current Minister of Foreign Affairs in 1991 when the Liberals were in opposition.

Would the Prime Minister care to tell us when he and his Minister of Foreign Affairs lost their faith in parliamentary democracy?

[Kosovo, April 13th, 1999]

Mr. Speaker, last night Canadian pilots flew their 100th sortie in the Balkan crisis. Today the Serbs occupied a town in Albania.

The possibility of NATO ground troops being used in the Balkans is not hypothetical. It was raised by the Prime Minister's own defence minister and cannot be discounted by the House.

When will the Prime Minister bring a votable motion to parliament establishing a mandate and conditions for an expanding Canadian role in the Balkans? Will it be before the decision is made, or will it only be after?

[Kosovo, April 13th, 1999]

Mr. Speaker, in a debate that began yesterday and lasted until early this morning, all members in the House voiced their support for a Canadian role in the Balkan crisis.

We support the fight against ethnic cleansing, the diplomatic efforts, the NATO air strikes, and of course we support our Canadian Armed Forces personnel.

Why will the Prime Minister not allow us to show our support with a vote, clarifying Canada's role in an expanded activity in the Balkans?

[Kosovo, April 12th, 1999]

Mr. Speaker, I have answered that question before.

Our principal point, and perhaps I have to make it again because it did not sink in with some members, is that if the government is considering the use of ground troops or an expanded role for Canada in the Balkans it should come to the House with a votable motion seeking a mandate on which we will have a debate and a vote. This is not a vote of non-confidence in the government. Hopefully it would be a vote of confidence in whatever mandate is given the government and would be a help rather than a hindrance to solving this serious problem.

[Kosovo, April 12th, 1999]

Mr. Speaker, again I do not want to presume to answer for other members, but I would expect that the majority of members in the House feel that the more that can be done to involve the Russian government and the Russian people in the resolution of this issue the better. The historic ties between the Serbs and the Russian government and the Russian people are deep and long. In many respects these ties are deeper and longer than their ties or connections with anyone in the west.

Yes, the Russians should have an influence and anything that could be done to bring that influence to bear in a positive way, not simply through the supplying of arms, would be helpful.

[Kosovo, April 12th, 1999]

Mr. Speaker, we want to have this debate, but more important, we are not insisting that there be a vote on this particular motion. It is a motherhood motion. We know what the vote would be without taking it. What we are asking for is a specific vote on a mandate for the government to take military action in the Balkans, particularly if that action involves the use of ground troops. We expect a motion to come from the government and that it be debated with a vote at the end of it. That is the debate and the vote that we are specifically looking for.

[Kosovo, April 12th, 1999]

Mr. Speaker, I would agree that the current international legal framework for dealing with these crises is inadequate and that we should be working toward creating a better framework. I would not put all my eggs in the UN basket because, as the member knows, in this case the veto of action by the UN on the part of Russia and presumably China is enough to paralyze action.

However, recognizing the need for this better international legal framework, I would still say that the inadequacy of that framework should not deter us from doing something in this particular situation. I think we should make it clear that we are not trying to generalize from this situation to every situation in the world. I do not think we should say that what is being done here is perfect. However, we should not let the inadequacy of the international legal framework prevent us from acting when we know there are laws being broken: thou shalt not kill, thou shalt not rape, thou shalt not steal, thou shalt not hurt women and children.