Bill C-219

International Anti-Corruption and Human Rights Act (Sergei Magnitsky Law No. 3)

An Act to amend the Department of Foreign Affairs, Trade and Development Act, the Justice for Victims of Corrupt Foreign Officials Act (Sergei Magnitsky Law) and the Special Economic Measures Act

This enactment amends the Department of Foreign Affairs, Trade and Development Act to impose certain requirements on the Minister of Foreign Affairs in relation to international human rights, prisoners of conscience and human rights defenders.
It also amends the Justice for Victims of Corrupt Foreign Officials Act (Sergei Magnitsky Law) to provide that
(a) transnational repression be sanctioned;
(b) a copy of each order or regulation made under paragraph 4(1)(b) of the Act must be tabled in each House of Parliament; and
(c) the punishment under paragraph 11(b) of the Act be increased.
It also amends the Special Economic Measures Act to change that Act’s short title to the “ Global Sanctions and Special Economic Measures Act (Sergei Magnitski Law No. 2) ”. It further amends that Act to provide that
(a) transnational repression be sanctioned;
(b) every order or regulation made under paragraph 4(1)(b) of the Act must be tabled in each House of Parliament; and
(c) the punishment under paragraph 8(a) of the Act be increased.

Sergei Magnitsky International Anti-Corruption and Human Rights Act

[James Bezan, Conservative, Selkirk—Interlake—Eastman, MB]

moved that the bill be read the third time and passed.

Mr. Speaker, it is indeed a pleasure to rise for my private member's bill, Bill C-219, the international anti-corruption and human rights act, or Sergei Magnitsky law no. 3, which we decided on at committee.

I think it is important, every time we start these debates, especially for those who might be watching for the very first time, to ask, why Magnitsky? Who is he? Who is Sergei Magnitsky? We have to remember that Sergei was a Russian lawyer. He was an auditor, a husband and a father of two. He was a guy who believed in fairness. He believed in the rule of law. He believed in standing up for a new Russia. Sadly, because he was not afraid to stand up for what he believed in, was not afraid to stand up for what matters and was not afraid to stand up against oligarchs and corrupt officials in the Kremlin and across Russia, he was murdered.

Sergei uncovered the largest tax fraud in Russian history. The proper course of action was obvious to him. He took it to court and exposed the corruption. In doing so, he was the one who was arrested. He was the one who was detained. They tortured him in prison. They denied him medical attention, and eventually he was murdered in a Russian prison by the very officials who had taken this fraud through the Russian government, to the tune of hundreds of millions of U.S. dollars. The Russian government allowed him to be killed and has been trying to cover it up for the past 17 years.

Using Sergei Magnitsky's name, which we have been doing since 2017, is important, in that it delivers a strong political message to Vladimir Putin, to his corrupt oligarchs in the Kremlin and in industry, and of course to the corrupt allies he has around the world, who are not afraid to use corruption to enrich themselves at the expense of the people they are supposed to be representing and protecting or who are not afraid to commit gross human rights violations.

Originally, we were going to call the bill the Sergei Magnitsky international anti-corruption and human rights act. It now has the new name. The bill would change the name of the Justice for Victims of Corrupt Foreign Officials Act, which we passed back in 2017 and was done by Senator Raynell Andreychuk and me. It would now be called the Sergei Magnitsky law. We would also change the name of the Special Economic Measures Act to the global sanctions and special economic measures act. It would be called the Sergei Magnitsky law no. 2, to keep it all straight and even.

It is important to recognize that the Minister of Foreign Affairs and the government agreed that we needed to use Sergei Magnitsky's name every time we lay out a sanction against those who are committing these abuses and committing aggression against their neighbours, as Putin is committing in Ukraine today with the Russian war machine that Putin has, as well as against others around the world who are committing gross human rights violations.

Unfortunately, a number of amendments were made to the original version we tabled here. I will just say, for those who have been following this, that the one thing the bill would not do anymore is it would not immediately sanction family members of sanctioned individuals whom Canada has recognized and put on our global sanctions list. It would just be those individuals and not their spouses, children, girlfriends or boyfriends.

We know that Russian oligarchs have done an amazing job of taking their wealth out of their country. Even though they might be sanctioned and cannot move their wealth or travel to Canada or other places, they have been sending their children to university here with millions of dollars. They have been sending their wives and spouses over to Canada, putting up bank accounts and getting around the rules we have. Of course, they are using Canada as a safe haven.

The other ones who are really good at this is those in the IRGC, with the regime in Tehran. It is the same thing. They are moving here with their families and spouses, hiding assets and buying amazing properties. It would be nice if we could sanction their children, spouses and other family members on the immediate family level so that this does not happen.

The bill would no longer require the RCMP and FINTRAC to report to the minister on what is happening and whether there should be sanctions coming forward. It would no longer require the minister to report names and the status of prisoners of conscience in an annual report on human rights. It would also not amend the Broadcasting Act to make sure that state broadcasters from countries that are committing a genocide recognized in the House or in the Senate would not be allowed to broadcast on our airwaves.

We are still happy with the bill in this form. I may have been fairly ambitious in bringing it forward the first time. When we were still in a minority government situation, it looked like it was going to go through, maybe without any amendments, but that changed, unfortunately. We have to accept that and roll with the punches, as one might say.

I want to again mention former Senator Raynell Andreychuk. She and I worked very hard together back in 2017 to bring the original Sergei Magnitsky Law to Parliament. I did it in the House, and she brought it forward and passed it through the Senate, and it became law. Even at that time, back in 2017, there was collaboration among all parties to make sure that it was passed and that we were finally targeting the corrupt foreign officials who were committing gross human rights violations.

It is important to note that the reason we have to come back to this is that there were some loopholes, and I have already pointed out some of them. In this version of Bill C-219, we would close those loopholes and address some of the shortcomings. This means that we would be better aligned with our allies and how they sanction, whether it is the United States, the European Union, Australia or others. It would also provide better coordination among the legislation and regulations we have right here in Canada. Having the three bills come together under this umbrella private member's bill, which is uncommon in this House, and coordinating three pieces of legislation into one would be a positive move. It would make it a lot easier, in the administration of justice, to address things like human rights, state aggression and gross human rights violations.

I want to point out what this bill would do, and I think it is important that we celebrate it. This is the first time in Canadian law that we would define prisoners of conscience and require the Minister of Foreign Affairs to publish an annual report. That annual report would be tabled here in the House and would require the minister to talk about how the Government of Canada is advancing human rights around the world and how it is supporting prisoners of conscience and other human rights defenders.

A lot of people may be asking what a prisoner of conscience is, so I will read it into the record:

prisoner of conscience means an individual who, in contravention of international human rights standards, has been detained or otherwise physically restricted solely because of their identity or their conscientiously held beliefs, including religious or political beliefs.

We would also define for the very first time what transnational repression is and would sanction the foreign nationals who commit transnational repression right here in Canada and elsewhere around the world:

transnational repression means tactics used by a foreign state to intimidate, harass, surveil or threaten individuals or groups located outside the state borders or physically harm such individuals or members of such groups, including elected officials, political dissidents, human rights defenders, exiled journalists, diaspora communities, civil society activists and refugees, for the purpose of silencing dissent and stifling activism.‍

Just so people understand how this would apply here in Canada, I will note that a prisoner of conscience is what we are witnessing right now in Hong Kong with Jimmy Lai, who stood up for the freedom of speech and for democracy in Hong Kong. He is in his late seventies now. He is diabetic. He has been held in detention, in solitary confinement, for the last several years because of his belief in the freedom of speech and the freedom of the press, because he owned a paper. He has connections to Canada. His sister, nephews and nieces live here, and he has properties here in Canada. The Chinese regime, the Communist regime that is overseeing the administration in Hong Kong, jailed him on trumped-up charges and finally dragged him in front of a kangaroo court after delaying and staying proceedings for years.

Jimmy Lai is languishing in prison. He has been sentenced to life, and he will not last long, sadly enough. He is a prisoner of conscience, and we need to rescue him. The Government of Canada needs to stand up on the right side of this, from the standpoint of human rights.

Transnational repression is the flip side of that. As we all know, the Communist regime in Beijing has police stations here in Canada. It has interfered in at least two elections. We had a big judicial inquiry on the foreign interference in our electoral process here. We need to make sure that the individuals who are acting on behalf of the state in Canada to repress our elections, or repress nationals from that country who now call Canada home, are not getting away with it.

I received a letter just last week from a Falun Gong practitioner who had been peacefully protesting in Toronto in front of the Chinese consulate and was assaulted by an employee from the consulate. The employee beat this lady and made death threats to her. Not only would we call this a criminal act here in Canada, but because they can hide behind their diplomatic immunity, such individuals would be considered under transnational repression and would have to stand trial for that.

Under Bill C-219, we would require that Parliament put out a list of the foreign national entities that are going to be added to our sanctions list. We want to increase the penalties on this and find the people who are committing prisoner-of-conscience abuse and transnational repression. The penalties could be increased up to $100,000 under this piece of legislation, which I think would be a huge move to actually help police all the abuse we are witnessing.

One of the great things in the bill is that it would also provide a timeline to the Government of Canada for forfeiting of frozen assets. I always like to use as an example the fact that everybody who goes through Toronto Pearson airport sees the great big Russian Antonov aircraft that is sitting there because it is a frozen asset. The oligarchs who own the company have definitely been sanctioned by Canada.

Instead of sitting there, as the aircraft has been for four years, within 24 months, assets should be forfeited and liquidated so the government can then distribute those assets to the victims or to the government. In this case, it would be given to the Ukraine to help them deal with the cost of the war such as the cost of the damage to Ukrainian homes and infrastructure and the loss of life because of the barbaric actions of the Russian military.

This is also true with other holdings, but the focus is on those owned by private individuals or private entities, not government entities. If they have been sanctioned, any of their assets here in Canada should, after 24 months, be turned over by the state, Canada, to the victims.

Finally, the preamble of the bill calls for the government to continue the good work they are doing in trying to establish the international anti-corruption court in The Hague. With respect to all the people out there who are committing genocides, trampling on human rights and abusing their own citizens or neighbours, those oligarchs, such as Putin in particular but also, historically, people such as the Mussolinis and the Hitlers of the world who committed mass genocides, how did they all start? Putin first started as a corrupt official. By having the international criminal court, we could actually change the behaviour of psychopaths who are in places of power, and have them back off from what they are doing to their own citizenry.

In conclusion, I believe, although the original version of Bill C-219 provided more in sanctioning, enforcement and oversight across Canada's sanctioning regime, that the amended version we have before the House today remains critical for modernizing the sanctions mechanisms for the future.

[Mona Fortier, Liberal, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Foreign Affairs]

Madam Speaker, I want to commend my colleague on all the work he has done. He sponsored this bill. I will be delivering my remarks on the bill shortly.

I do want to ask my colleague if he could maybe share a bit about the impact of some of the amendments that were brought, one of which would introduce a new requirement for the minister of foreign affairs to report annually on Canada's efforts to advance human rights internationally. How is this important to the bill?

[James Bezan, Conservative, Selkirk—Interlake—Eastman, MB]

Madam Speaker, yes, this is important. Originally, the bill called for the minister's office to publish the names of political prisoners we have been advocating for. After reflection and testimonies that were heard at the committee, it was decided to take that component out. However, it allows us to ensure that the Government of Canada is always standing up, first and foremost, for human rights in Canada and around the world and for actions taken to promote human rights around the world.

Having it tabled here gives a chance for the foreign affairs committee or others to go through and hear from the minister and study that report and look at the cases that the government is working on, especially on the broad scale. Although it is not in the bill anymore, Parliament has the opportunity, through committees, to hear from diaspora groups and other experts on corruption and gross human rights violations and bring those to the committee, which can report it back to the House.

[Ziad Aboultaif, Conservative, Edmonton Manning, AB]

Madam Speaker, I congratulate my hon. colleague for bringing this forward to strengthen the current protocol or regime we have regarding this important issue. Why is this bill very important?

[James Bezan, Conservative, Selkirk—Interlake—Eastman, MB]

Madam Speaker, first and foremost, this bill is about coordination of how we sanction corrupt foreign officials and how we go after human rights abusers within our own regulatory framework and, more importantly, how we ensure that we are working in better coordination with our allies. If the free world countries, democratic states in the EU, our NATO allies and our democratic allies in the Asia-Pacific, are not working in lockstep, which this bill encourages, then those corrupt foreign officials, those oligarchs, those world leaders who are enriching themselves at the cost of their own citizens, persist. I take, for example, how the Falun Gong community has been used. People have been victimized and killed and their organs illegally harvested and sold all around the world. If we are not working in lockstep to sanction the individuals who are enriching themselves on this black market, this grotesque trade in human organs, we will never be able to stop them. This is about working together so that we can stand up for the human rights of those individuals and others around the world.

[Mario Beaulieu, Bloc, La Pointe-de-l'Île, QC]

Madam Speaker, I want to congratulate my colleague on his bill, which will certainly be very useful. I would like him to talk a bit about the process for sanctioning states or individuals.

[James Bezan, Conservative, Selkirk—Interlake—Eastman, MB]

Madam Speaker, right now the process is that the government, through its assessment, determines which individuals are responsible for allowing a state, government, organization or individuals who are actually out there acting inappropriately and abusing the rights of individuals. I will go back to the Falun Gong practitioners example. There are actually doctors out there and others who are involved in this grotesque trade of illicitly harvested human organs: hearts, lungs, livers, kidneys. It is a disgusting practice. Never mind what the PRC regime is doing to the Uyghurs, having them reprogrammed and sterilizing them and using them as forced labour, essentially slave labour. By having this bill, we would more clearly define what those prisoners of conscience and human rights defenders are, and ensure that we are standing up and fighting for each and every one of them around the world.

[Chi Nguyen, Liberal, Spadina—Harbourfront, ON]

Madam Speaker, I rise in the House today to speak to Bill C-219, the Sergei Magnitsky international anti-corruption and human rights act.

I would like to thank the hon. member for Selkirk—Interlake—Eastman for bringing this legislation forward. It was very helpful to have more of the context and the story behind why he has been pushing forward this bill.

Bill C-219 reflects core values that Canada has always represented. These values are represented in the institutions we have built as a country, including the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. The charter was introduced under a Liberal government and reflects our nationwide commitment to fundamental freedoms, equality, democratic rights and the rule of law. These values do not stop at our borders. They also shape how we engage internationally. When we speak out against human rights abuses or take action against corruption and repression abroad, we do so because these are the core values that Canadians believe in.

Bill C-219 would build on these principles by strengthening Canada's ability to better respond to international human rights challenges and violations while also continuing to uphold the humanitarian principles that define us.

Bill C-219 proposes amendments to three laws: the Department of Foreign Affairs, Trade and Development Act; the Special Economic Measures Act; and the Justice for Victims of Corrupt Foreign Officials Act. The amendments would strengthen Canada's sanctions and update human rights frameworks. These amendments would occur in the following ways.

Firstly, the bill would amend the DFATD Act to require the minister to report annually on human rights efforts, including efforts to secure the release of human rights defenders and prisoners of conscience.

The bill would also amend the Special Economic Measures Act and the Justice for Victims of Corrupt Foreign Officials Act to lower the threshold for the use of sanctions to be inclusive of emerging threats like transnational repression and cybercrime. It would also provide for increased penalties, establish clear timelines and rename Canada's existing sanctions legislation to commemorate Sergei Magnitsky.

The Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development also made important amendments to further strengthen the bill. The reporting provisions were amended to take into consideration the complex situation that prisoners of conscience and human rights defenders are in, while still making sure the government is accountable in publishing an annual report on these activities.

The committee also adopted a broadened trigger related to conduct that undermines peace, stability and democracy, allowing the government to sanction individuals for a wide range of activities including cybercrime, organized crime, arbitrary detention and other forms of transnational misconduct. These changes recognize that threats to human rights increasingly cross borders. Canada must be equipped to respond to evolving challenges.

The amendments would also ensure that the seizure of private assets of sanctioned individuals follows a clear legislative process and timeline while ensuring that due process is respected. These changes would also increase and align evasion penalties to provide greater consistency through a Canada sanctions framework.

The work on this bill shows what we can achieve when parliamentarians work productively together. The committee spent weeks working collaboratively to strengthen the legislation by removing provisions that could have created unnecessary burdens, hindered the government's ability to adapt sanctions or potentially put human rights defenders at risk. This is a strong example of how multipartisan efforts can make Canada stronger, both here at home and abroad.

Bill C-219 would make important changes to modernize Canada's sanctions regime. These measures would increase accountability by requiring the government to publish an annual report on efforts to advance human rights.

In recent months, our country has been having important discussions about how Canada can strengthen its role on the stage as a middle power. As Prime Minister Mark Carney has noted, middle powers like Canada are not powerless in the face of global uncertainty. By working with like-minded partners—

[An hon. member]

Oh, oh!

[The Assistant Deputy Speaker (Alexandra Mendès), Alexandra Mendes]

I have to advise the hon. member that we cannot use the names of current members.

I thank the hon. member for Regina—Lewvan for noticing it.

[Chi Nguyen, Liberal, Spadina—Harbourfront, ON]

Madam Speaker, by working with like-minded partners, we can help uphold human rights, defend democracy and strengthen the rules-based international order. On the world stage, our government has been working hard on strengthening our international relationships and trade. We have advanced engagement with Vietnam, India, the Philippines and ASEAN partners, among others. We are on track to doubling Canada's preferential global market access from 1.5 billion to three billion consumers in the next six months.

Canada's role as a middle power is about more than trade. It is also about working with partners to defend human rights, uphold the rule of law and respond to those who threaten peace, security and democratic institutions. Trade cannot come at the expense of workers, whether in Canada or in our partner countries. Supporting labour rights and workers' rights helps ensure that Canadian trade is not built on exploitation or sweatshop conditions. We must also take corruption seriously. Corruption undermines democratic institutions, weakens economic development, distorts markets and erodes public trust.

Canada has rightly recognized the strategic importance of regions such as the Indo-Pacific, and we do not need to wait for countries to achieve perfect democratic outcomes before building strong bilateral relationships. Engagement allows Canada to strengthen economic ties, deepen people-to-people connections and create opportunities for co-operation on shared challenges. We know we cannot meaningfully engage in international trade and strengthen Canada's presence on the world stage without also standing up for the most vulnerable in places where their rights are neglected.

I often hear from constituents in my riding of Spadina—Harbourfront about their concerns regarding international human rights abuses. As one of Canada's most diverse communities, Spadina—Harbourfront is home to people with roots in every corner of the world. Many remain closely connected to family, friends and communities abroad. I have had the opportunity to meet with a wide range of constituents, many of whom have been very clear with me about the importance of democratic institutions, human rights and fundamental freedoms. These conversations remind me that human rights cannot be held as abstract concepts. The consequences of political repression, arbitrary detention, corruption and democratic backsliding are felt by real people in real time.

Canadians expect their elected officials to stand up for the human rights and dignity of all people. They also expect our government to take urgent action. Our government continues to defend human rights through targeted sanctions against individuals responsible for gross human rights violations. Since 2022, Canada has sanctioned nearly 4,000 entities or vessels. In total, over 5,000 individuals and entities have been designated by Canada across its autonomous sanctions regime. Our government remains committed to playing a leadership role in preserving and strengthening the international rules-based order.

As Canadians, we are proud of our commitment to democracy, human rights and the rule of law. These values are reflected in our charter, our institutions and the way we engage with the world. Human rights are not only Canadian values but universal values.

Sanctions are one means of ensuring accountability when individuals engage in serious human rights abuses. Bill C-219 recognizes that these threats continue to evolve and that Canada's legislative framework evolves alongside them. At its core, this bill is about accountability and ensuring that people responsible for serious human rights abuses and corruption face consequences for their actions. Bill C-219 would strengthen our ability to meet that significant responsibility and lead us toward a more secure and just world.

Canada must stand up when rights and freedoms are under threat. For that reason, I am pleased to support this legislation.

[Mario Beaulieu, Bloc, La Pointe-de-l'Île, QC]

Madam Speaker, after a thorough and careful study in committee, the Bloc Québécois will be voting in favour of Bill C-219.

This is an important initiative aimed at strengthening our legislative framework on international human rights. As mentioned earlier, this bill proposes a definition of what constitutes a prisoner of conscience. A prisoner of conscience is an individual who, in contravention of international human rights standards, has been detained or otherwise physically restricted solely because of their identity or their conscientiously held beliefs, including religious or political beliefs.

One of the purposes of this bill is to amend the Department of Foreign Affairs, Trade and Development Act to require foreign affairs ministers to table an annual report in Parliament on the government's actions to advance human rights internationally. The report would include information on political prisoners and prisoners of conscience, as well as Canada's efforts to support them. Bill C-219 is essentially the same as Bill C-281, which received the unanimous support of the House of Commons at third reading before dying on the Order Paper in the Senate.

This bill includes one vital component that we welcome and fully endorse: recognition of transnational repression. This was requested by the Bloc Québécois and it even formed part of its election platform. The bill defines transnational repression as:

tactics used by a foreign state to intimidate, harass, surveil or threaten individuals or groups located outside the state borders or physically harm such individuals or members of such groups, including elected officials, political dissidents, human rights defenders, exiled journalists, diaspora communities, civil society activists and refugees, for the purpose of silencing dissent and stifling activism.‍

In Quebec and Canada, we regularly confront transnational repression. Examples were given earlier involving our Uyghur, Tibetan and Taiwanese friends, but there are many others. I have seen cases of transnational repression targeting Kabylia separatists first-hand. Many of them report that simply expressing their opinions publicly or on social media can provoke intimidation against family members and retaliatory measures in Algeria.

This bill broadens the scope of the Justice for Victims of Corrupt Foreign Officials Act, also known as the Sergei Magnitsky law, as mentioned earlier, by adding transnational repression to the list of explicit grounds for imposing sanctions on foreign individuals. As has already been noted, Sergei Magnitsky was a Russian lawyer who exposed corruption in the Kremlin. He was subsequently imprisoned for fraud in a Moscow jail. He died in custody in 2009 after being subjected to torture.

Bill C-219 will strengthen efforts to combat attempts by foreign states to intimidate, surveil or harass individuals living in Quebec, Canada or elsewhere outside their national borders. It will enable Canada to impose sanctions on foreign nationals who have engaged in activities that undermine international peace, security or stability in a manner inconsistent with international law or who are responsible for, or complicit in, gross and systematic violations of internationally recognized human rights or acts of corruption. The bill also enhances the effectiveness of sanctions by prohibiting visas and other official documents from being issued to the immediate family members of sanctioned individuals. This measure recognizes that family members are often used by sanctioned individuals and criminal actors, both in Canada and abroad, to circumvent the sanctions in place.

The bill would give the government new tools by requiring close inter-institutional co-operation between the RCMP and the Financial Transactions and Reports Analysis Centre of Canada, which would have to give the department the necessary information to develop and track the application of these sanctions. Some provisions aim to facilitate the seizure and possible forfeiture of assets belonging to sanctioned foreign officials.

The bill would also amend the Broadcasting Act to prevent the issuance, renewal or continuation of licences for broadcasting undertakings influenced by foreign persons or entities involved in a genocide recognized by Parliament or already sanctioned by Canada.

All in all, Bill C‑219 would strengthen human rights protections, help in the fight against foreign interference and increase government accountability in the implementation of international sanctions. That is why we will support Bill C‑219.

[Mona Fortier, Liberal, Parliamentary Secretary to the Minister of Foreign Affairs]

Madam Speaker, I am pleased to rise today to speak to this private member's bill, Bill C-219, an act to amend the Department of Foreign Affairs, Trade and Development Act; the Justice for Victims of Corrupt Foreign Officials Act, Sergei Magnitsky Law; and the Special Economic Measures Act, which will also be known as the Sergei Magnitsky Law No. 2.

I want to begin by again acknowledging the member for Selkirk—Interlake—Eastman for his leadership in introducing and championing this bill.

For generations, countries around the world have regarded Canada as a global leader in the protection of human rights and the promotion of democratic values.

Bill C‑219 will introduce significant reforms to increase transparency and modernize Canada's sanctions regime so that it reflects the challenges we face today. This all-party effort will improve Canada's ability to hold those who violate human rights to account.

I was encouraged by the constructive discussions that took place on Bill C-219 at the House of Commons Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development. As a committee, we worked together to adopt several amendments to strengthen the bill, improving the effectiveness and flexibility of its key elements while mitigating risks and unintended consequences. I will focus my remarks today on these key improvements.

First, we brought greater coherence to how the Minister of Foreign Affairs should report on the government's efforts. Bill C-219 proposes amendments to the Department of Foreign Affairs, Trade and Development Act that introduce a new requirement for the minister to report annually on Canada's efforts to advance human rights internationally. We welcome this requirement as an important step to demonstrate how Canada is promoting and protecting human rights, but how we report is important.

It is essential to protect the safety and privacy of human rights activists. Canada's approach to supporting human rights activists is guided by the do no harm principle.

In its original form, the bill required the report to include a detailed list of the names and circumstances of the prisoners of conscience whom Canada was trying to help. Many witnesses told the committee that publishing such a list could have serious consequences, including causing undue harm to detainees or having unintended consequences on the delivery of consular services to Canadians.

Instead, the report would now protect those most vulnerable, and it would outline more broadly the measures taken by the government to support human rights defenders and prisoners of conscience internationally as part of Canada's foreign policy.

Second, to honour the life and work of Sergei Magnitsky, the committee agreed to rename Canada's existing sanctions laws. This would make Canada the first country to have Sergei Magnitsky laws with a total of three in the franchise: the Justice for Victims of Corrupt Foreign Officials Act, the first Sergei Magnitsky law; SEMA, Sergei Magnitsky Law No. 2; and Bill C-219, Sergei Magnitsky Law No. 3.

Third, Bill C-219 seeks to expand and clarify the circumstances under which sanctions may be imposed, including in response to transnational repression. Committee amendments were adopted to further strengthen and expand Canada's legal basis for sanctions.

We have adopted not only a criterion for imposing sanctions in cases of transnational repression but also a broader criterion related to threats to peace, stability and democracy. This will enable the government to impose sanctions on those responsible for a wide variety of transnational crimes, including cybercrime, organized crime, arbitrary detention, threats to democracy and so on.

Fourth, Bill C-219 imposes mandatory timelines for the forfeiture and disposal of property seized under existing laws.

Fifth, we have increased and aligned evasion penalties, to be consistent throughout our existing legislation.

Finally, the committee removed elements of the bill in order to increase its effectiveness, reduce red tape and ensure the overall coherence of Canadian legislation. Simply put, these problematic provisions would not have improved Canada's ability to respond to human rights abuses.

In a world of growing uncertainty, Canada's core values continue to guide our government's foreign policy. We will always work to hold anyone to account who violates human rights, democracy or the rule of law.

In closing, I want to thank the member for Selkirk—Interlake—Eastman and my colleagues on the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development once again for the cross-party work that has made Bill C-219 a solid piece of legislation. By working together, we reaffirm Canada's leadership on human rights and send a clear message: Canada will never stand idly by or keep silent when confronted with attacks against human dignity.

By working together, we will continue to make sure that Canada can serve as a beacon in an uncertain world. Our government will continue to add to Canada's human rights legacy and will honour the sacrifices that have been made in fights against tyranny and oppression.

I look forward to seeing Bill C-219 implemented.

[Sameer Zuberi, Liberal, Pierrefonds—Dollard, QC]

Madam Speaker, it is an honour to rise today to speak in support of Bill C‑219.

I also want to thank the member for Selkirk—Interlake—Eastman for introducing this bill, as well as the members of the Standing Committee on Foreign Affairs and International Development for their work.

We are here today to talk, first off, about a new and important update around the sanctions regime. At the same time, we are honouring an important figure in world history, Sergei Magnitsky, who was a brave soul and brave person who stood up to tyrants, who stood up to those who were abusing rights. He gave his life for that at the age of 37. We know that he was imprisoned and suffered grave mistreatment. Even after he died at 37 years of age, he was tried, the reasons for which just boggle the mind. The man had already lost his life and he was tried after the fact.

We are honouring Sergei Magnitsky, an important individual in world history. While thinking about his name, we can take his example and remember what he did. He challenged authority, he challenged injustice and he stood strong. That is what I would suggest we in this House all need to do.

This bill is an improvement from one that was previously deposited in a previous Parliament, and a number of fixes have come about. Before I get to that, though, it is important to note that 60% of the sanctions that Canada has implemented have manifested within the last four years. These sanctions have touched on a number of different themes and different subjects. They include sanctions against Russian officials due to the unjustified occupation and war in Ukraine. They include sanctions against Chinese officials for what is happening within the Xinjiang Uyghur Autonomous Region. They include sanctions against West Bank settlers because of activities in the State of Palestine, West Bank. They include sanctions against the IRGC and Russian officials because of what the IRGC has done to its own people. There are others. These sanctions are an important signal to those who break international norms and abuse human rights and are a deterring mechanism so that anybody who abuses basic dignity and promotes grave violations knows they will face consequences.

Canada has always stood up for human rights. Within the international community, we are looked upon as a leading voice and are looked upon as a country that promotes the rules-based order. Therefore, this update put forth by the member opposite is an important update and is salutary.

It is important to note the people who have been working here in Canada and overseas on this. At the subcommittee on international human rights, we did a study on a particular aspect that relates to this legislation: transnational repression. We heard from a number of witnesses who themselves had been subject to transnational repression or were advocating on behalf of those who had been subject to transnational repression. They included Tibetans. They included Falun Gong and Falun Dafa advocates. They included Uyghurs. They included Hong Kongers, and others. We heard from those who have suffered repression from Iran's government and Russia, just to name a few countries.

All of those brave souls spoke about the different methods of transnational repression. They spoke about how they and their families were harassed and intimidated and how that happened both online and off-line, and said that anonymous people during important moments sought to intimidate and silence them. These people chose not to be silenced, though, like Sergei Magnitsky.

They have shared how challenging it is to be working in an environment where there is transnational repression and how important it is for us, as a country, to confront it, respond to it and address it. There are a number of ways in which we address it. One way is through our intelligence agencies and the RCMP, which are fully monitoring what is happening and ensuring that foreign actors are not involved in transnational repression or foreign interference. There are reports that can be made to the police and to the RCMP. While they are not perfect, they exist and they are a method to address this issue. The updated legislation we are addressing today is another method, because it would allow for sanctions to be administered when individuals are propagating transnational repression, whatever its form, be it in person, online or in any way.

I also want to speak about the importance of those who are raising their voice, not only here in Canada but overseas. Initially, when this legislation was deposited in the previous Parliament, it asked that we give details that would have compromised human rights defenders overseas. Thankfully, that has been fixed in this legislation by the foreign affairs committee. What happened is—

[Garnett Genuis, Conservative, Sherwood Park—Fort Saskatchewan, AB]

We fixed that in the last Parliament.