Foreign Affairs Committee on June 2nd, 2026

[Gallit Dobner]

As I understood the question, part of it was about how the situation in the western Balkans has evolved over the last 10 years.

We have seen enormous strides in this region. It's pretty incredible that three of the six countries in the western Balkans are now members of NATO, thus fellow allies of Canada, and that many are on their path to EU accession. Actually, this committee hearing is very propitious because there is an EU-Balkans summit this week to discuss that very fact. Montenegro has now opened each one of its 27 chapters for EU accession and has closed seven of those, so I think the progress in the region is undeniable.

Do parts of the region remain fragile? Yes. Do there continue to be challenges with corruption, interethnic disputes and foreign interference? Yes, yes and yes. However, I don't think any of that should belie the fact that there has been enormous progress in the western Balkans over the last decade.

[Ziad Aboultaif, Conservative, Edmonton Manning, AB]

I have a quick question.

We have to believe that the memory and institutions of the Communist era still play a role in the instability of the region. How is Canada monitoring that, if we are, and do you think that impact still exists?

[Gallit Dobner]

I spoke a bit in my opening remarks about weak institutions, and we absolutely monitor and report on this. I count on our rich network of ambassadors across the region, who report regularly back to headquarters so that we remain current on the state of affairs. Then we use the various levers we have, whether they be diplomatic—the discussions we have at all levels—or programmatic.

We have funding envelopes within our peace operations program at headquarters. We have funding envelopes at missions—albeit modest—that are used strategically to catalyze projects, working with civil society on the rule of law, governance, human rights and foreign interference. We use all the levers at our disposal to try to address these challenges.

[The Chair, Liberal, Ahmed Hussen]

Thank you very much.

Monsieur Guilbeault, you have five minutes.

[Steven Guilbeault, Liberal, Laurier—Sainte-Marie, QC]

Thank you, Mr. Chair.

Thank you very much to our guests for being here today to discuss the issue of this important region.

Ms. Dobner, if I understood your answer to my colleague Mr. Chong's question earlier, there is a significant Russian influence in the region. I understand that this influence manifests itself in various ways, particularly on a cultural level.

The first time I served as Minister of Canadian Heritage, I had a very interesting conversation with the Ukrainian minister of culture. He was very interested in what was known at the time as Bill C‑10, which became Bill C‑11, the Online Streaming Act. He was especially interested in the part requiring the web giants to promote Quebec and Canadian cultural content. He said he found this very interesting because Canada was doing this to protect itself from the American giant, whereas he, in Ukraine, had to deal with two giants: an American giant, like everyone else on the planet, and a Russian giant on the other side of the border.

I wonder if one of Canada's contributions could be to work with some of these governments to share our experience in this area and show them how to use this kind of mechanism as a sort of a shield. It certainly won't solve all the problems of Russian interference, but it could at least solve some of them.

[Gallit Dobner]

I want to thank the member for that really interesting suggestion. It's a great recommendation and not something we have thought through a great deal, but we will absolutely take that back. I thank the member for the valuable suggestion.

[Steven Guilbeault, Liberal, Laurier—Sainte-Marie, QC]

I could speak to my friend, the Minister of Canadian Identity and Culture, and suggest that he have a conversation with you about this.

In your opinion, are there other things a country like Canada could do to try to counter the role of a country like Russia in this region?

I know that work is being done regarding democratic institutions, but in your opinion, are there other tools we could add to the tool box we have for the region you represent?

[Gallit Dobner]

Allow me to start with an answer. Then perhaps I'll turn to my colleagues if they'd like to add anything.

Ambassador Cameron talked earlier about the reliance on Russian energy, which is real and important. Pivoting takes time. I think our European friends have demonstrated this. They've pulled a real rabbit out of the hat in how quickly they have kicked their dependence on Russian energy, but these things happen with time. I think of the degree to which we can work with countries in the western Balkans to rid themselves of dependencies such as energy—which is the one that first comes to mind, but there are other dependencies as well—to help them diversify and help them in a very practical way to be in a position to choose their alliances and partnerships.

[Jessica Blitt]

Just very briefly, I think Kosovo is an interesting situation in this regard because it has very firmly taken a Euro-Atlantic position. It is not letting Russia, or frankly China either, in the door. It has aligned with the EU on sanctions, despite being a small country. Symbolically it has aligned with the EU on the Russian sanctions. It has been extremely pro-Ukraine and done very concrete things in that regard, whether it's demining training or support for Ukrainian journalists. I think it's really interesting to see the way Kosovo, despite being a small country, has really stepped up and shown where it wants its alignment to be.

[Michelle Cameron]

In thinking outside of the box about ways that we can combat Russian influence in Serbia, Montenegro and North Macedonia, we've taken a look at where Russia plays a niche role. We've talked a bit about trying to divest them of their oil and gas dependency, but we've also connected educational institutions to give civic education on anti-disinformation. We have been encouraging companies to enter the energy sector, the IT sector or anywhere that we see Russia getting a foothold.

We've also launched a few public education campaigns, particularly around disinformation. With Russian disinformation, there's often a seed of truth. Russia likes to celebrate that at the end of World War II, it liberated Belgrade. Sometimes it expands into how it liberated Serbia. We've been quick to point out that it was disproportionately Ukrainian troops that came in to liberate.

By taking a look at where Russia has its hooks in, we've been somewhat successful in being able to rally companies, educational institutions or public affairs to tackle those hooks—and then, of course, bringing in the wider western community to also do the same with their assets.

[The Chair, Liberal, Ahmed Hussen]

Thank you very much.

Next we'll go to MP Brunelle-Duceppe for two and half minutes.

[Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe, Bloc, Lac-Saint-Jean, QC]

Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.

Ms. Blitt, I just have a friendly piece of advice for you. When you are an ambassador to a country, it would still make sense, in my opinion, to know the criteria used to recognize that country. If you're unable to state them here before the committee, that's fine. I would still like to point out that it's important to know them, not necessarily when a Bloc Québécois member asks you to name them, but when you're doing your job abroad. It's always good to know the criteria that led to a country's recognition by the country you represent in that very country.

That said, Ms. Dobner, what are the most significant entities involved in disinformation that are currently active in the Balkans?

We hear a lot of stories about this. We hear that networks are using disinformation for purely political or geopolitical purposes in the Balkans. There's a lot of talk about China and Russia, of course. Is that something you see and feel? Is Canada taking any measures regarding the disinformation currently prevalent in the Balkans?

[Gallit Dobner]

I think we addressed the issue of criteria. It would be impossible to have a fixed set of criteria because each situation would be unique.

On the issue of foreign interference—

[Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe, Bloc, Lac-Saint-Jean, QC]

Excuse me. Did you just tell us that there are no defined criteria for recognizing a country?

[Gallit Dobner]

The answer I've given a few times already is that we don't have a set list of criteria. When it comes to recognizing a new state like Kosovo, this would be determined on a case-by-case basis.

[Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe, Bloc, Lac-Saint-Jean, QC]

If I may, my question was: What were the criteria used for recognizing Kosovo? I wasn't asking you about recognition in general; I was asking about Kosovo. That's the question I asked. What criteria did Canada use to recognize Kosovo's independence?

[Gallit Dobner]

If the honourable member would like information of a historical nature that dates back 20 years about the deliberations at the time when Kosovo was recognized, I am more than pleased to undertake to go back on that and provide an answer in writing.

[The Chair, Liberal, Ahmed Hussen]

I think that's a fair point.

[Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe, Bloc, Lac-Saint-Jean, QC]

Ms. Dobner, I sincerely believe that you should be aware of these kinds of things, given your position. Perhaps even more so—

[Steven Guilbeault, Liberal, Laurier—Sainte-Marie, QC]

I have a point of order, Mr. Chair.

[Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe, Bloc, Lac-Saint-Jean, QC]

What I'm saying is not hostile.

[The Chair, Liberal, Ahmed Hussen]

The witness has agreed to provide the factors that led to Canada recognizing Kosovo. That last comment was not appropriate, in my opinion.

Anyway, we're out of time for Mr. Brunelle-Duceppe.

We'll go next to Madam Rood.

You have five minutes.

[Lianne Rood, Conservative, Middlesex—London, ON]

Thank you very much.

Thank you so much for being here today.

Ambassador, China has already provided substantial financing to most western Balkan nations through the belt and road initiative, granting Beijing significant economic and political leverage across the region. Consistent with Canada's Indo-Pacific strategy, which explicitly calls out China as a disruptive global actor, and with CSIS's assessments of PRC influence operations, what concrete whole-of-government plan is Global Affairs Canada implementing to counter this non-transparent economic statecraft?

[Gallit Dobner]

This is a great question. It's a very complicated question.

I have to admit that I am not the director general responsible for China or the Indo-Pacific. A question about China's strategy writ large would probably be best answered by other experts from our department.

[The Chair, Liberal, Ahmed Hussen]

Yes, but I think a question on Chinese influence and activities in this region would be appropriate.