Evidence of meeting #39 for Foreign Affairs and International Development in the 45th Parliament, 1st session. (The original version is on Parliament’s site, as are the minutes.) The winning word was region.
A recording is available from Parliament.
Senior Researcher, Centre for European Security Studies
We easily ignore the Balkans as a security risk, and that makes it a security risk. We need to be very careful, I think.
Liberal
The Chair Liberal Ahmed Hussen
Thank you very much.
Next we go to Monsieur Brunelle-Duceppe.
You have six minutes.
Bloc
Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe Bloc Lac-Saint-Jean, QC
Thank you, Mr. Chair.
I would like to thank the witnesses for joining us for this important study, which is unfortunately drawing to a close.
Mr. Brajshori, you have held some extremely important positions. You have solid expertise in foreign affairs. Despite all the international operations carried out since the 1990s—there have been several operations in the Balkans—why do you think that the entire Balkan region remains unstable today?
Lecturer at Heimerer College and former Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of Kosovo, As an Individual
Okay, I got it. I will give three short responses to your question.
Number one is that, because the international community came to the region, it brought a new idea that this region should be part of a larger integrated Europe. In the middle of the vote, it slowly gave up on that idea and focused on other challenges, including Ukraine—Crimea in 2014—the Arab Spring and many other challenges Europe faced, as well as the migration crisis some years ago.
Number two is that we saw a decline in democratic progress in some parts of Europe, and that decline affected the ability of the countries to fulfill the benchmarks to succeed in European integration.
Number three is uncertainty. Both the western allies and the actors in the region have enabled third actors—Russia, China, Arab countries, etc.—to get involved, to exploit the corrupt nature that exists in many other countries, to get a stronger footprint and to ensure that their values and the way that they act can be sustained in the Balkans.
It's a mixture of different reasons, but despite the challenges, the western Balkans region of today is much different from what it used to be 25 to 30 years ago. We have made progress, but that progress is still not enough to make the region sustainably peaceful and fully integrated in a larger integrated Europe.
Bloc
Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe Bloc Lac-Saint-Jean, QC
Do the other two witnesses share Mr. Brajshori's opinion? Do they have anything to add to the question that I just asked him?
Associate Professor of Peace and Conflict Studies, Dublin City University, As an Individual
Yes, I can quickly add to that. I suppose I see two reasons that go back to the way that the conflicts ended. The way peace settlements were created and, perhaps, imposed, favoured a particular political elite, who got into power, captured power and retained power for a long time. I think there was some [Inaudible—Editor] between the form of intervention that was taking place and the interests of local elites.
There was an interest in stability in the EU, in the western part. These local strongmen provided that, and so, for a long time, there was a trade-off of democracy and emancipatory or progressive voices in favour of more conservative nationalist forces, which provided stability and reliability when it came to implementing international missions. This led to power dependence, whereby codependency—created as a result of interventions—created special ties that linked the need for international intervention, presence and investment with the disobedience and peacebreaking dynamics of local elites. There's something inherent, when it comes to international interventions, state-building and peacebuilding, that is reproducing instability.
Bloc
Alexis Brunelle-Duceppe Bloc Lac-Saint-Jean, QC
You're saying that certain western policies favoured a form of authoritarian stability at the expense of the democratic reforms that should have taken place, and that our current situation stems from these earlier decisions made to ensure stability. Unfortunately, this has led to authoritarian abuses rather than democratic reforms. Is that what you're saying?
Associate Professor of Peace and Conflict Studies, Dublin City University, As an Individual
Except for the conclusion or the outcome of your statement, I agree with the premise you raised. When it comes to the authoritarian turn at the moment, I think it is a result of lack of vision and prosperity for integration into the EU that is creating this backsliding dynamic in the Balkans.
Liberal
The Chair Liberal Ahmed Hussen
Thank you very much.
Next, we have MP Aboultaif.
You have four minutes.
Conservative
Ziad Aboultaif Conservative Edmonton Manning, AB
Thanks, Chair.
In regard to efforts of the government in Kosovo toward the Serbs, do you believe that the government is doing enough? What can be done to improve that relationship and to reduce the tension?
I do believe that one of the reasons the political deadlock is taking place is related to this area, and there's no secret I'm telling here. It's nice to understand that if there's enough effort, knowing that if this is the problem, we may have the solution. If Canada can also help in that, it will be a great deal.
Mr. Visoka, I would like you to comment on that if possible.
Associate Professor of Peace and Conflict Studies, Dublin City University, As an Individual
Thank you.
The Kosovo government is undertaking a wide range of measures to respect minority rights. Kosovo has an advanced framework for minority protection. However, there is a reluctance on both sides when it comes to full implementation and advancements of political and territorial ambitions that minorities, especially the Serb minority, have in Kosovo.
This also goes back to the power-sharing nature of Kosovo's political system, in which local Serbs have reserved seats in the parliament, in local government, and language rights, but for a long period of time they did not avail themselves of them, pending a political agreement between Kosovo and Serbia.
In a way, dialogue between Kosovo and Serbia, under the EU's facilitation, hijacked the integration of Serbs via or within the framework of the Ahtisaari constitution and created a suspension of that inter-ethnic integration, waiting for large issues to be resolved first: questions of recognition, questions of political rights and perhaps larger autonomy for Serbs, and other questions with regard to the religious Orthodox sites and other protections.
These two processes are not congruent. One is cancelling the other out. In particular, there is, for example, evidence that civil society inter-ethnic organizations don't co-operate as they did before the dialogue in Brussels took place, so it has hijacked that local peacebuilding potential. It has displaced the attention from resolving everyday problems of the people on the ground to having these technocratic conversations.
Conservative
Ziad Aboultaif Conservative Edmonton Manning, AB
I ask you about Canada's role, what Canada can do. We have a great model in Canada. That's why we were able to keep Quebec and other provinces within the fold for 159 years. We're proud of that. I just want to point—
Associate Professor of Peace and Conflict Studies, Dublin City University, As an Individual
The fear is that if you proceed with territorial autonomy, that is the next stage to secession. I know in Canada it's different, but in the Balkans, that is the pathway. That is the fear. That's why there's that struggle in the Republika Srpska and northern Kosovo: the fear that it's just a stage toward a redrawing of borders.
Conservative
Ziad Aboultaif Conservative Edmonton Manning, AB
That's why I'm saying you should reach toward Canada, because I think we have a great model. In the meantime, I'm fully aware of the sensitivity of the region. The Balkans region is always known for the diversity and the historical tensions. Of course, it's sitting among many players regionally and internationally, so that's why we are concerned and we would like to help in any way we can. I think Canada can play a role.
Thank you.
Liberal
The Chair Liberal Ahmed Hussen
Thank you very much, MP Aboultaif.
We go next to MP Clark.
You have four minutes.
Liberal
Braedon Clark Liberal Sackville—Bedford—Preston, NS
Thank you very much, Mr. Chair.
Thank you to our witnesses for their expertise today.
Mr. Boonstra, I'll start with you because you mentioned this in your opening comments, and this is the only question I'll ask. You talked about the proposal that Germany and France put forward in the last few days coming out of the summit in Montenegro.
What's your assessment of that? Do you see it as a path that might make it easier to get into the EU membership, which we know, in many of these countries, has been a decade-long process? We're obviously not there yet. What is your quick assessment on that proposal?
Senior Researcher, Centre for European Security Studies
These proposals have been going around for several years now, mostly promoted by different think tanks in Europe, for staged accession and different forms of accession. These are good ideas, because for the western Balkans, it would be useful to take the membership question off the table a bit. It should be there, but it should not be an immediate end goal. It should be integration on different levels—not working only toward this end goal.
The problem with this is that other countries, like Ukraine at the moment, see this very differently and want to move forward immediately on direct integration and membership.
It is a process that needs to be discussed, but it will certainly have value for the Balkans, which will see immediate economic benefits for the population. I think it will also be beneficial for EU member states.
Yes, I see merit in this.
Liberal
Associate Professor of Peace and Conflict Studies, Dublin City University, As an Individual
I completed an event last week in Dublin, in which I brought civil society from the western Balkans to discuss all these proposals. Dublin is at the epicentre because it's taking the presidency of the EU for the second half of the year.
There is certainly a welcome reaction to the non-paper. It's very smart and pragmatic. This is not putting the western Balkans in the reserve room or in a second-tier membership. It is offering a gradual, phased integration that will expedite and perhaps encourage democratic reforms, retain democratic orientation and push back against some of these authoritarian tendencies. Certainly, it's a welcome development.
In particular, Montenegro's experience will set the pace for how the other countries will proceed. They're currently drafting the accession treaty, which will define any reservations when it comes to the veto rights. How the Montenegro accession will look could be a model for Albania and the rest. It's certainly a welcome development.
There have been some concerns raised, for example, in North Macedonia. If they fall behind, will they experience a return to ethnic tensions or discouragement of reforms?
Overall, it's a positive outlook and reception.
Liberal
Braedon Clark Liberal Sackville—Bedford—Preston, NS
Excellent, thank you.
Mr. Brajshori, you have the last 20 seconds. If you could, take us home. Thank you.
Lecturer at Heimerer College and former Deputy Minister of Foreign Affairs of Kosovo, As an Individual
It can bring positive change to the region if it's implemented fully. We also have to keep in mind that we have elections in France next year. That will influence the future of this idea.
It's positive, but we have to judge it by the actions more than the words.
Liberal
The Chair Liberal Ahmed Hussen
Thank you very much, Mr. Clark.
Thank you to the witnesses. I know that you're all joining us from Europe, and it's pretty late there, so we really appreciate your patience and making time for us. Thank you for your testimony and your ability to answer all our questions.
I will now proceed to committee business very quickly in the short time that we have.
As mentioned at the beginning of the meeting, there are a number of committee business matters that require our attention.
On Tuesday, June 16, the Minister of Foreign Affairs is available to appear for one hour in relation to the main estimates. Would the committee like to use that opportunity to examine both the main estimates and the supplementary estimates (A), as some have suggested? I would require explicit direction from the committee on this matter.
Is it agreeable that the minister would answer for both?
Liberal
The Chair Liberal Ahmed Hussen
For SDIR, I'd like to note that, earlier today, the clerk circulated draft budgets and a draft report from the subcommittee. The budgets are the following: briefing on the situation of the Tibetan children in schools administered by the People's Republic of China, $8,600, and briefing on human rights in the Caribbean region, $10,650.
Does the committee adopt these budgets?