Thank you, Mr. Chairman.
Mr. Côté has covered a lot of the ground, as you well know, in a very thorough way and I'm hopeful that perhaps I can add some contextual information from my six years as commissioner of Canada elections, which ended in July 2012. Before that, I was employed by the Department of Justice for 34 years, mainly in the criminal law branch, so I'm well familiar with the DPP and his organization. During my time as commissioner, I was involved in three federal elections in a period of a little more than four years. You probably remember them all.
I'm concerned for the ability of the commissioner to investigate alleged violations of the act in an effective and timely way. I'm a practically oriented person. There's nothing in the amendments that will enhance the ability of the commissioner to investigate alleged violations of the act, and there's one amendment that will detract from the ability of the commissioner to investigate violations of the act.
One of the main problems with significant investigations is that they take too long. One investigation that we completed took two years and one month. The director of public prosecutions spent 16 months reviewing what we had done. The prosecution brief was a few pages short of 400 pages. It was a book, and this was a summary of the evidence that we had managed to put together. In this case and in some others, delay is occasioned by key witnesses, who decline to be interviewed by an investigator. In some cases, key witnesses were discouraged, actively discouraged, from being interviewed by an investigator.
What is missing from the amendments is the authority to seek a judicial order to require a vital witness to be examined by the investigator. This authority would avoid the need to use more complicated, expensive, and intrusive procedures, and might very well save considerable time. Again, I can't say a lot about cases before the court, but you can imagine what we had to go through when we had to sort out robocalls in general.
The Internet is unregulated, it's the Wild West, and a number of judicial orders we had to obtain, and what we had to learn as we pushed our way through this quagmire was remarkable. Had we been able to compel witnesses, we might very well have advanced the case much more quickly. I'm very concerned for the public perception of things when we can't advance these cases of considerable public interest.
We already have an injunction power in the act, which allows us during the election period to go to a court for an injunction to get something done. We've never used it. We've waved it around from time to time, and people know it's there, and we can pursue it if we want. I expect that an authority to get a judicial order to compel someone to be interviewed might not have to be pursued all that often. Persons couldn't say to a witness, “You don't have to cooperate,” because the law would then provide a means to obtain cooperation. Its availability would frequently be sufficient. I would expect to obtain cooperation from witnesses.
What is detrimental in the amendments is the removal of the commissioner's office from Elections Canada to the office of the director of public prosecutions. Elections Canada is a vital centre of information, and intelligence, and expertise in federal electoral matters, and there isn't any other. The director of public prosecutions certainly is not.
What you would do with this is, you would remove investigators from ready access to the experts at Elections Canada: the legal experts, these are people who are engaged in knowing this act and providing legal advice on it on a regular basis, including to investigations, keeping investigations in line, if you will; the auditors, who apply the law to the financial aspects of campaigns; and the experts who run the election, who apply the laws to the actual vote and the campaigning in the election period.
It's important to remember that the commissioner's office is composed of about 20 people. They rely on resources where they can get them. Elections Canada is the main source of that. As well, other police forces assist investigators. The DPP provides assistance to investigators in getting judicial orders and on matters before the court.
I'm not sure if the move would disturb the ability of investigators to get access to the records that are kept at Elections Canada. There are specific sections of the act that guarantee access to certain records, but taking the investigators out of the organization may raise a problem for access to records. Records are vital to confirm complaints, and referrals from auditors with regard to financial matters. That's a legal matter that I'm not able to give you an opinion on, but it's something to be concerned about.
There is one other aspect that needs to be brought to your attention. It's important, and I don't believe any other source has identified it for you. I'm referring to the monitoring role of irregularities during the election period. I went through three elections. Each election period was about 35 days long. We put together a team of investigators and the legal staff assigned to them. They were on the ground every day during the election period. We double-shifted so that we covered 12 hours a day.
So the complaints flow in from returning officers, members of the public, and political parties as to what's going on during that 35-day period. We monitor the election, and we take action to ensure that the rules are being followed. We have dedicated contacts within the political parties. We ask the political parties to straighten out something that may be going on that they're better able to deal with. We have contacts with the municipal police forces. We take the complaints, we put them in the computer, we run them up the screen, we assign investigators if something needs to be done, and we get after it—not with the idea of prosecuting charges down the way but with the idea of regulating the playing field as the campaign rolls along.
As you well know, there is a never-ending complaint about signs. Municipalities don't like them if they interfere with traffic. Landlords don't like them when the tenants put up big signs in the windows. Signs get stolen. People have signs on their property that they didn't approve of. Signs are put on signs. Signs are put on government signs. Sign teams have fights over the best places to put up the signs. We sort these things out.
As another example, a candidate wants to get inside a condominium to campaign—a lot of people are living in condominiums these days—and the management doesn't want them in there. The regulations of the condominium corporation may prohibit them from getting in there. We make contact with the condominium corporation. We contact the lawyers, if we can find them. We read them the riot act: here's the law, sort this thing out, because a candidate is entitled to reasonable access to a condominium, an apartment building, or a shopping centre. These are the things that get dealt with.
You may recall the oddball one in Quebec, where a journalist got access to a ballot box and photographed the ballot box open. It looked like it had been damaged and beaten up. They made quite a fuss over it. We looked into it immediately. The matter was sorted out by our investigators, the municipal police force, the returning officer, and members of the parties on the ground who looked at the box and were satisfied that the ballots inside the envelopes had not been disturbed. They all agreed that they could be accepted. We sealed it up and got on with business.
These are the kinds of things that happen, as you yourselves know, during an election period. We're there 35 days in a row, two shifts a day, watching this stuff not to prosecute down the road but to regulate. This is a regulatory statute.
I don't know who is going to do it in the next election, because I'm certain the DPP isn't going to do it. I don't know who else is going to do it. Could someone else at Elections Canada do it? I don't think they have the skill set. Investigators have a particular skill set. Our investigators are all mostly 30-year police veterans.
They're very good at getting municipal police forces to look into our matters when they aren't priorities for them. There's a very practical aspect of this that you need to be aware of in the removal to different agency, which as I say, doesn't have the expertise and is used to acting in an independent way from investigators.
Removal of the commissioner from Elections Canada does nothing to enhance the independence of the office. I have to tell you, political interference is non-existent. I never encountered it in any form at all; I never had an investigator advise me that there had been anybody trying to interfere with an investigation. The Chief Electoral Officer, in my time, maintained a strict hands-off approach. The decisions were made by me and the director of public prosecutions with regard to prosecution matters.
As far as how we do things and what we do, we put together a 19-page document, which is on the Elections Canada website, to tell the public what we do and how we do it. It's available to anybody who wants to take a look at it. I should say, it's not usual for investigators to be associated with the prosecutor's office. I worked in the prosecutor's office for many years in the regulatory context in particular, although prosecutors do prosecute regulatory offences. Their main preoccupation, and that of the DPP, is with Criminal Code offences, drug offences, terrorist offences, money laundering, tax evasion, and things like that. It's not common, in the common law context, for investigators to be working out of a prosecutor's office or to be associated with or under the umbrella of a prosecutor's office, even in a general way. Investigators are usually located with the agency responsible for implementing the legislation, and that's primarily because it's a regulatory agency and the goal is not prosecution; the goal is compliance.
Personally, I don't like prosecutions. I'd just as soon get compliance with the requirements of the act and the goals of the legislation. What happens, and is happening more though, is it gets adversarial. Witnesses refuse to be interviewed; witnesses are discouraged from being interviewed; it becomes adversarial. If they cooperated and we were able to get to the bottom of something in a timely way—and that does happen—there are other avenues besides prosecution that can be used to obtain compliance. We have a compliance agreement, in fact, that we can use and it's used in many minor cases, for that matter. There are serious cases that can't go that way; you do have to investigate with an eye on prosecution.
Prosecutors, generally, want to take an independent view of an investigation after it's completed. In fact, the less they have to do with the investigators beforehand, the better. If they have been involved with the investigators because they had to make a court application, someone else in the office will make that decision to prosecute. The prosecution role is who to charge, what to charge, and who not to charge. If it's criminal, it goes to a criminal court.
Let me say a few words about election or voter fraud, which is something of a concern to you. We looked into a number of cases of alleged organized voter fraud when I was commissioner. The complaints were found to be without substance, and no charges were pursued. I put out a press release on two of these, and another one was looked into by a company called Navigant. A few cases of individual illegal voting were prosecuted but, in my opinion, while administrative errors were found, significant voting fraud was not taking place.
I came into the job as an outsider, and what struck me as interesting were the ethics that are at work in the electoral process. The 60% of people who vote are very serious about it; they're very concerned for and they support the system and the process enormously. That was my first observation. Similarly, the people at Elections Canada were impressed by the role that they were performing, from the most senior to the most junior person. It begins with a fair election and a reliable result.
That's the beginning of the democratic process.
That's my little speech for today.