Thank you very much, Chair.
Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen.
Vice-chairs and honourable members of this committee, thank you for this opportunity to address you today regarding Canada's future defence industrial strategy.
Let me just set the context here. Canada's security environment has fundamentally shifted, and that's in the past tense.
We meet at a pivotal moment in history. The era of the peace dividend has ended, and the assumptions that have carried us through the post-Cold War era have now essentially evaporated and collapsed. We're living through the most significant shift in global security architecture in more than a generation.
Budget 2025 recognizes this new reality, and I compliment the government for this very strong budget. With it, the government is beginning the critical work of reorienting Canada's defence industry. It acknowledges that Canada must first rebuild the foundations of its national defence through its industrial base. It is now time to begin the process of planning how to build a defence industrial strategy that provides the Canadian Armed Forces with the tools needed to advance this country's national interests.
I will make three recommendations to represent what I consider are three critical paths to meeting the new defence industrial strategy. These are perhaps a bit unconventional, but I'd like to be entertaining today just to add some spice.
The first is a credible path to Canada's NATO commitments. What I mean by this is that the defence industrial strategy's foundation should be based on a transparent, credible defence spending road map to meet our obligation of putting 5% of our GDP to defence by 2035. A transparent, phased-in, economically grounded plan is essential for ensuring that increased defence spending becomes a catalyst for growth, innovation and resilience in a framework with three major pillars that I'd like to propose today.
First—and this is a difficult one, but please bear with me—2% of the 5% should be slated toward the co-development of the continental defence apparatus with the United States. This includes integrating air and missile systems for NORAD modernization and—perhaps a little controversial, but I'm open to it—procurement of long-range strike capabilities through strategic bombers like the B-21 Raider, which would provide Canada with significant deterrence. At the end of the game, we all want deterrence as the end state and, certainly, interconnectivity for our Five Eyes partners.
Second, 1% out of the NATO 5% should go to Arctic contributions, dedicating a significant portion to building out dual-use infrastructure ports, including submarine ports with allied interoperability; satellite communications and constellations; northern airfields; icebreakers; and community resilience in the Arctic.
Third, the last 2% of the 5% should be slated toward manufacturing and development with allied support. This final portion would be given to Canada's interests in Europe and the Indo-Pacific in supporting advanced manufacturing that enhances both collective security and the development of capabilities to mine and exploit critical minerals.
This allocation of the 5%—2%, 1% and 2%—reflects a unique geopolitical position and the comparative advantages that it has. Laying down a detailed vision of how to spend this I believe is very important. It provides a credible direction to industry and all levels of government, allows Canada to coordinate with our allies to foster interoperability and interchangeability, which is growing, and provides credible targets to allow benchmarking for performance and accountability.
This brings me to my second recommendation: taking a whole-of-nation approach to defence industrial development. This strategic capability as envisioned cannot be bought with money alone. It requires a whole-of-nation approach that mobilizes the whole of the citizenry.
This starts with significant intergovernmental coordination. Without structured federal-provincial alignment, we risk building systems that don't connect, scale or work. Defence and economic development must move together, not in parallel silos. This also requires solutions-based procurement. Right now, innovation and procurement barely speak to each other, requirements take years to develop and risk tolerances are extremely low.
To bring in a culture of solutions-based procurement, I recommend the institutionalization of the particular new office that I'd like to propose today—the office of defence innovation and commercialization—to bring customers directly to producers. This model allows the Canadian Armed Forces to raise the capabilities they demand and asks industry to compete to propose optimal solutions. The office of defence innovation and commercialization could be situated within the new Defence Investment Agency, perhaps DRDC or perhaps even at ISED. That's just a proposition.
I would also like to bring up my third point, which is citizenship, duty and national participation—