Thank you, Mr. Chair.
I want to take a few moments on NDP-3, because it's a critical amendment for us. I'll explain why in a moment.
Mr. Chair, we haven't used the translation service since the beginning of the committee. I think it's important for us to take a moment and read our motion.
It talks about a legitimate exercise of powers in a roadside testing program under federal legislation.
Effectively, what this does is move to more carefully define that section of the bill. I believe each member of the committee would have received an email from Alistair MacGregor, our justice critic. Hopefully you've had a chance to look over it. The key point, the key paragraph that I'll read from his correspondence, is the following, “Statistics from both the Ottawa and Toronto police services show that a disproportionate number of racialized Canadians have had frequent interactions with authorities. Giving the police the power to demand an immediate breath sample during the course of the lawful exercise of their powers is going to lead to more of these statistics.”
Over the course of committee hearings around the bill, you did hear a number of statistics. Committee members heard the fact that the process of carding—police street checks known as carding—resulted in a disproportionate impact on the black community. Some 8.3% of Toronto's population is of African origin, but it accounted for 25% of the cards police wrote from 2008 to 2011.
As far as testimony before the committee is concerned, I did want to cite Michael Spratt, who spoke on the bill saying the following:
Now, in the last two and a half minutes, I want to deal with what I think is the most important problem of this bill, and that is the random breath testing. Let's just cut to the chase here. There's nothing random and there will be nothing random with this breath testing. What we know now, from right here in Ottawa and the 2016 Ottawa police traffic data race collection program—arising out of a human rights complaint for racial profiling—in which the police collected race data about everyone they stopped for every traffic violation, is that if you're a visible minority or part of a marginalized group or living in an overpoliced area, you are stopped disproportionately compared to the rest of the population. In simple terms, if you're black, if you're Arab, if you're a visible minority, you get pulled over more often than a white person does. That study went on to find that those people actually were not committing offences at any higher rate than anyone else was; in fact, the rate was lower.
He went on to say:
The charter analysis isn't going to look at you and me; it's going to look at the young black man who is stopped five, 10, 20 times. Go and read Desmond Cole's piece in Toronto Life about carding and the effect that has on someone. That's the analysis that will take place, so it's a big problem.
The Criminal Lawyers' Association has also stated that it supports the amendment brought forward by the NDP to the mandatory alcohol screening provisions of Bill C-46. The association stated that the amendment will limit the influence of overt, unconscious, or institutional racism in the application of mandatory alcohol screening. The amendment will also bring the provision more in line with the Canadian Charter of Rights and Freedoms. It is our hope that this reasonable and modest amendment will be supported by all members of the justice committee. It is also in the testimony provided to this committee by the Canadian Civil Liberties Association.
There are two reasons why I'm bringing this forward. Of course, all of us support the provisions of this bill. There's no doubt. But all of us, I also believe, are acutely conscious of some of the abuses that have taken place in the past. What we've heard in testimony before this committee is that the current structure of the bill could lead to more abuses, so it is incumbent on us to fix that problem with the bill, and that would be by adopting NDP-3.
The final point I want to make is with regard to whether this bill is constitutional. This is the big weakness in the bill itself; it's most likely to be challenged, to be thrown out, and then brought back. That would be an embarrassment for the government of course, and I think it would cast a shadow on all of us as justice committee members going through this bill in good faith. If we don't fix this provision it is likely—possible—that the bill will be rejected and that will mean we have not done our due diligence. That is why I'm putting forward this amendment on behalf of Alistair MacGregor and hoping that members of the committee will support the amendment.