Thank you for inviting me to contribute to your study of sexual harassment in Canada's federally regulated workplaces.
I would like to start my testimony by echoing a point raised by a former witness, Mr. David Langtry of the Canadian Human Rights Commission, “You will never get a complete picture of the problem from the number of complaints that come forward.”
Research on reporting of sexual harassment identifies numerous responses to sexual harassment, including avoidance and denial, for example interpreting behaviour as a joke; social coping, for example discussing the behaviour with friends; confrontation negotiation, for example asking the harasser to stop; and finally, advocacy seeking, for example filing a formal report.
Findings indicate that whereas many targets engage in avoidance responses, few ever formally report their experiences. Such passive coping strategies may seem strange, given the negative consequences targets of harassment suffer, for example physical violation, psychological harm, lower job satisfaction and organizational commitment, and the deterioration of work relationships.
Research suggests that following a harassment incident, targets of sexual harassment juggle competing goals—their desire to end the harassment weighed against such objectives as avoiding reprisal by the harasser and maintaining their reputation and status in the work group. Furthermore, employees who believe their organization has a high tolerance for sexual harassment believe that reporting sexual harassment is risky, that complaints are unlikely to be taken seriously, and that there would be few consequences for perpetrators even if the harassment were reported.
Despite the tendency for targets of harassment to refrain from reporting their harassment, some targets do take formal action. Research indicates that various factors influence whether or not targets of harassment engage in advocacy seeking, such as formal reporting.
With regard to personal factors, targets with higher levels of education, previous experiences of sexual harassment, and lower occupational status, are more likely to engage in advocacy seeking. With regard to the sexually harassing behaviour per se, target reporting was found to be more likely when harassers are supervisors, when there are multiple harassers, and when the type of behaviour is sexual coercion, that is to say, where job conditions are made contingent upon compliance with requests of a sexual nature.
Based on the preceding information, it seems that efforts to end sexual harassment that rely primarily on target reporting are unlikely to be successful because most targets do not report their experiences. Therefore, we must look at alternative sources or methods for dealing with sexual harassment.
One method I have studied is observer intervention. Observers are individuals who see harassment occurring but are not directly involved in the incident. Especially in the case of hostile environment harassment, in which the work climate itself becomes poisoned, there often are individuals present who observe the harassment and who might take action to stop it or prevent future incidents.
In my research, my co-author and I conceptualize ways in which observers of sexual harassment can intervene in terms of a typology that includes two dimensions. One is immediacy of intervention, where observers can respond during the unfolding incident of sexual harassment or after the incident has occurred. Two is level of involvement, where observers can respond in a way that maintains their anonymity or immerses them publicly in the event. Crossing these two dimensions results in four categories of intervention. In the interest of time, I will highlight only a few possible observer interventions.
Potentially useful responses from observers of sexual harassment include telling the harasser to stop the behaviour or reporting the harasser to management, interrupting the incident—for example, by removing the target from the emerging harassment—or simply providing support to the target of harassment after it has occurred.
In addition to developing a typology of observer intervention, we also developed a model of observer intervention in sexual harassment based on previous research on bystander intervention. Before observers intervene, they must first recognize that the situation requires action, determine that it is their responsibility to take some action, determine if they should take action now or later, and determine the level of involvement based on the perceived net costs of involvement.
I was very pleased to learn that observer intervention is encouraged of employees working for your Department of National Defence. According to a previous witness before this committee, Ms. Jacqueline Rigg of the Department of National Defence, the policy and guidelines indicate it’s not even just the responsibility of the person who feels they’re being abused, but it’s also the responsibility of anybody else who observes this type of behaviour. They have a responsibility as well to report, to talk to that person, and to encourage them to report as well.
In my dissertation, I found that observers were most likely to recognize conduct as sexual harassment and to express the intent to intervene when they perceived social consensus that the conduct was sexual harassment and believed that sexual harassment was an ethical issue. This suggests that organizational culture plays an important role in the phenomenon of sexual harassment. In organizations that educate all employees—not just managers—on sexual harassment, there is more likely to be social consensus regarding the types of actions that constitute sexual harassment and employees are more likely to see sexual harassment as an ethical issue rather than a social or personal issue. Studies suggest that organizational policies and actions influence observers’ sense-making processes around sexual harassment. For example, observers—especially men—working in organizations with sexual harassment awareness training are more likely to label sex-related behaviour as sexual harassment than those in organizations without training.
Another former witness for this committee, Mr. Ross MacLeod of the Treasury Board Secretariat noted that from his perspective, culture is the key. He stated that culture underlies respect for people. Lack of respect underlies harassment. If you change the culture and create a respectful work environment, then we’ll see change. That’s very much the theme we’re pursuing in dealing with departments on this issue.
Research on sexual harassment supports his testimony. A meta-analytic review of 41 studies indicates a robust relationship between organizational climate and sexual harassment. In two studies of women in the United States federal court system, results provided support for the co-occurrence of sexual harassment and workplace incivility, in that almost all women who experienced sexual harassment also experienced incivility. These studies highlight that sexual harassment occurs within a broader context of mistreatment and disrespect. Part of this broader context is ambient sexual harassment, which is similar to the concept of second-hand smoke in that members of a target’s work group who are exposed indirectly to sexual harassment experience negative psychological and job-related consequences similar to those experienced by the target of sexual harassment.
This concludes my testimony. Once again, I would like to thank you for the opportunity to speak before this committee.