Mr. Speaker, I rise today to speak about Bill C‑14 on the issue of bail and justice system reform more broadly, which is something that the Standing Committee on the Status of Women is currently studying. I proposed that the committee study the use of section 810 of the Criminal Code of Canada to see whether it is appropriate in terms of ensuring the safety of women who are victims of domestic violence, in particular. Together with the Conservatives, we also wanted to look at bail and other aspects of the justice system to see whether it adequately meets the needs of women who are victims of domestic violence.
I remember my female Liberal colleagues telling me there was no need to do this study because a bill was on its way that would deal with violence against women. I expressed reservations because I saw no reason not to study the justice system concurrently at the Standing Committee on the Status of Women, focusing specifically on women's lack of confidence. In too many cases, women do not report their attackers because they have lost faith in the system. I said that we could go ahead with the study and then look at the bill. Now I realize that what I am going to talk about today are the reservations that Bloc Québécois members will express in committee when we have the opportunity, we hope, to take a somewhat closer look at this bill. That was my introduction.
First, let us consider the broader context. The Liberal government is introducing Bill C-14 to make it harder to get bail. The bill is a political response to high-profile cases involving violent repeat offenders, including certain inmates released in Manitoba. As we know, there are even places in Canada where domestic violence against women is said to have reached epidemic proportions. This is a serious issue. We acknowledge it. We know that the Conservatives are pushing for an even tougher approach, particularly with Bill C-242. They often take a populist, "three strikes and you're out" approach. Would that necessarily be helpful? We are not so sure.
What we are seeing right now is that the system is already under pressure. Here are some statistics: In 2022-23, 72.56% of people in custody in Canada were awaiting trial. That was an all-time high. In 2019 and 2020, it was 64.89%. That represents an increase of almost 8% in three years. In addition, only 26.51% remained in custody following a conviction. This suggests that the problem is not bail, or at least, that remains to be determined. Rather, the problem is a slow-moving system and a lack of resources.
Bill C-14 specifies that the principle of restraint "does not require the accused to be released". That is in clause 14, but it goes against the presumption of innocence and the St-Cloud, Antic and Zora decisions, which define release as the rule and detention as the exception. We in the Bloc Québécois are concerned about the decline in judicial independence and judges having less discretionary power. We want to study that aspect in committee.
There is also an increase in the number of instances where the burden of proof is reversed. Bill C‑14 increases the number of situations where the accused must prove that they can be released. These include motor vehicle theft, extortion and breaking and entering a dwelling-house. Human trafficking offences are also being added. I would be interested in looking into this a little more, because right now, the All Party Parliamentary Group to End Modern Slavery and Human Trafficking, a non-partisan group that I am part of and that is studying this issue, is seeing statistics that show a worrying increase. Could this bill address a growing problem? We will have to see. There are also offences involving choking, suffocation and strangulation during an assault. Several victims have told us about these horrors. This seems to be a recurring theme in assault cases. In committee, we heard some rather disturbing testimony from victims. There is also a risk of pretrial detention turning into automatic detention in a large number of cases. We therefore need to study this further.
The Bloc Québécois supports the bill, but I would say we have concerns. We want to vote to send the bill to committee, but, as I said, we have many reservations. The main thing we want to do is protect victims at all costs without undermining the presumption of innocence. It is about finding a balance.
I would like to turn to another subject and talk about the real causes of crime.
Experts have repeatedly said that the housing crisis is throwing a wrench in the works. There is clearly a compelling connection. When a woman cannot find housing, she will not leave the cycle of domestic violence and poverty because she does not want to end up on the street. Addictions are also exacerbating this crisis. Because federal health transfers are lacking, we cannot seriously address this issue, which should be seen as a public health issue.
Insufficient psychosocial services is also among the causes. We use a different model in Quebec, where health and public services are combined. As I often say in committee, Quebec's community groups benefit from the system we set up, rather than relying exclusively on a hospital-centred approach. At least, that is our hope. Our system of community groups and psychosocial services are an integral part of what a victim care pathway should provide.
Extreme poverty also drives people to commit crime. Once again, I see a connection with the fact that it keeps women in a cycle of domestic violence. Last Friday, I took part in a women's finance day organized back home, in Granby. I heard powerful accounts from women who are now successful, but were once victims of violence, unable to escape their situation because they were trapped in a cycle of poverty. Once they decided to empower themselves economically, to lift themselves out of poverty, find a job and develop their personal wealth, they managed to break free from the cycle of violence.
Where does the responsibility lie? The federal government is amending the Criminal Code, but justice is administered by Quebec and the provinces, which lack funding. This is often overlooked, but it is another example of a fiscal imbalance that is making it hard to hire judges. As we have seen, the federal government is dragging its feet on appointing them. It is not great at judicial appointments. Sometimes its appointments even flout the government's own rules. The fiscal imbalance also undermines reasonable wait times and the availability of correctional and clinical services.
Some aspects of Bill C‑14 are problematic, including for example the tacit withdrawal of the ladder principle. There are too many obligations imposed on judges, which creates a risk of automatic justice. Mandatory consecutive sentences can also lead to injustice. There is a problematic provision in the Youth Criminal Justice Act. Specifically, there is some confusion regarding how time served is calculated. This will have to be studied in committee. We must not throw the baby out with the bathwater. We would be curious to see how this could be improved.
Ultimately, the Bloc Québécois is proposing a real fight against organized crime, which includes a registry of criminal organizations. That is important. We also want to ban these criminal groups from displaying their emblems, which is also important. We want a reverse onus for the seizure of the proceeds of crime. We want it to be illegal for gangs to recruit young people, because that is a serious problem in the Montreal area.
We are also proposing to regulate the use of the Jordan decision for the most serious crimes. That was mentioned in committee. It is not right that, because of delays, perpetrators of domestic violence against women get away with it. This should be regulated, at least for certain crimes such as sexual assault. We are also proposing that the religious exemption for hate speech be removed.
Finally, Bill C-14 is filled with good intentions, but it also includes several risks. The bill could threaten the presumption of innocence, increase the number of innocent people being detained and undermine confidence in the justice system. My colleague from Rivière-du-Nord, who is the justice critic, could explain this even better than I can. The Bloc Québécois wants to strengthen security without sacrificing fundamental rights.
I will close my speech by providing a few interesting statistics.
In Quebec, in 2022, women accounted for 89% of victims of sexual assault reported by the police, according to the Institut national de santé publique du Québec, or INSQ. Reported cases of women victims of sexual assault is 157.5 incidents per 100,000 women, compared to 19 incidents per 100,000 men. In Quebec, one in four women, or 25%, aged 15 and older reported having been sexually assaulted by someone other than an intimate partner. The rate for men is approximately 6%. In Quebec, in 2021, women accounted for 76.4% of victims of domestic violence, or offences committed by an intimate partner. Also in 2021, individuals aged 25 to 39 accounted for 48.2% of victims of offences committed in an intimate context. The rate was 725.3 per 100,000 among people aged 25 to 29.
I also have a relevant example from the news in Quebec. In March 2025, the Regroupement des maisons pour femmes victimes de violence conjugale, a coalition of women's shelters, issued a press release calling on the government to address the inadequacy of legislative measures and resources to protect women who are victims of violence.
With that, I will now answer my colleagues' questions.