Mr. Speaker, the Bloc Québécois voted against the budget speech. In fact, 22 Bloc members stood up and remained true to their values and their word.
A month before the budget, we made it clear to the government what our expectations were. The government refused to discuss anything, negotiate or speak with us. It refused to listen to Quebeckers' concerns. The day we voted against the budget, the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons and the Minister of Finance and National Revenue used the word "mystified". They were mystified that we had voted against the budget. It was even La Presse's word of the week. Those folks are so out of touch that, for a month, they refused to speak with the opposition parties so, in the end, they governed by mystification. That is how it played out.
Not only did we vote against the budget, but now we have no doubt that we made the right choice. Following the vote on the speech, the budget implementation bill was introduced. We realized that this government's lack of transparency went much further than we originally thought.
In the spring, and with the support of the Conservatives, they passed Bill C-5 under closure, claiming that it was urgent for their major projects of national interest. We knew there was no urgency, that they did not even need to use it. Today, however, the 603-page budget bill reveals on page 301 how far this government is willing to go to circumvent Parliament and flout laws, regulations, and democracy.
Proposed section 12 states on page 301 that as soon as a minister thinks it might be good for innovation, they can suspend any provision of a federal law or federal regulation other than the Criminal Code. This is no joke. According to the budget bill, what was hidden from the public in the budget is that, if this measure is adopted, a minister could wake up one morning and decide to suspend environmental laws, transportation safety laws, and foreign policy laws. A minister can do whatever they want. It was not even in the budget speech. Reading the implementation bill, we realize that voting against it was absolutely the right thing to do.
Why did we vote against it? Allow me to give a few reasons. Quebec and the provinces asked for $100 billion in infrastructure over 10 years. That represents $10 billion a year, or $2.2 billion a year for Quebec. That is not a lot. When we look at the budget, how much new money is there for infrastructure over five years? Over five years, we have $9 billion. We need to take $5 billion out of that to build hospitals. As my colleague from Montcalm said earlier today, how can we build hospitals from coast to coast to coast with only $5 billion? That is what it costs for a single hospital.
In fact, new infrastructure investment is $4 billion. The Government of Quebec has done its own calculations and estimates the projected amount to be $22 billion over 10 years, which is consistent with our own calculation. Today, at the Standing Committee on Finance, we asked the Parliamentary Budget Officer how much new funding was planned for infrastructure. He replied that the government had not yet given him enough information to come up with an exact number. However, he clarified that this amount falls far short of the $115 billion requested.
It is one thing for the Minister of Finance and National Revenue to make the rounds of every TV network in Canada, exaggerating, indulging in hyperbole and putting on a show. However, the reality is that people were not heard. That is one reason to vote against this bill.
The same goes for health transfers. The one-off agreements with the provinces that the Trudeau government signed are about to expire. As a result, health transfers are going to decrease starting next year and grow at a slower rate than system spending. That means today, the federal government is telling Quebeckers that they have to choose between paying more Quebec taxes, making do with reduced services and increasing Quebec's debt.
The Parliamentary Secretary to the Leader of the Government keeps telling the House that Canada has the best debt-to-GDP ratio in the G7, yet he neglects to include provincial debt. He counts the federal debt and ignores the provincial debt.
Under the Maastricht treaty, a country's debt includes the debts of its non-central entities. By no international standard does the government's math make any sense, but that does not stop it from boasting.
The government is telling the provinces that they should incur debt on Ottawa's behalf so that it can maintain a good debt-to-GDP ratio.
There is not a penny for the rapid housing initiative, even though Quebec is the only province with permanent social and community housing construction programs. What is more, Quebec generally does not receive its share of the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation's programs, which is 22% of the envelope. We had asked that this envelope, which works for housing, to be refinanced, but there is nothing in the budget.
Instead, the government chose to create a new entity, a new bureaucracy, known as Build Canada Homes. The Canada Infrastructure Bank is going to be in on it, yet it is not even a bank and has never actually built infrastructure. The only good thing about its name is that it is Canadian. They are trying to tell us that this will result in faster housing construction, even though the solution already exists.
We called for the $814 million stolen from Quebec to be paid back to Quebeckers, but that is not in the budget. That is another reason to vote against the budget. The Liberals bought votes by using the consolidated revenue fund in Ottawa to pay people in seven provinces for carbon tax rebates that no one ever paid. Quebeckers contributed $814 million to the vote-buying in provinces other than Quebec, and the Minister of Finance and National Revenue told Quebeckers to take a hike. In the same breath, he said he was mystified that the Bloc Québécois was voting against the budget.
The 125 members of the National Assembly unanimously called for that money to be paid back. This included their Liberal friend Pablo Rodriguez, who voted with the Liberals when he was a minister, but then began voting with the Bloc Québécois when he became an independent member because he realized that he had never defended the interests of Quebec. There are 42 Liberal members across the aisle who are voting against Quebec and against the National Assembly, because they are getting their voting instructions from Toronto and Saskatchewan. That is another reason to vote against the budget.
There is nothing for seniors. The Liberals are the ones who created two classes of seniors. The legal age of retirement in Canada is 65. The Liberals boast about having brought the age back to 65. However, between 65 and 74, it is not good to be retired. People have to wait until they reach 75 to be treated the same as other retirees. This weekend, Le Journal de Montréal published a comprehensive report on poverty among retirees. We were asking for fairness. We asked that the OAS benefit be the same for seniors aged 65 to 74 as it is for seniors aged 75 and over, but the Liberals are mystified that we voted against the budget.
There is nothing for first-time home buyers who do not have a mommy or daddy or grandma or grandpa to max their tax-free savings account for first-time home buyers to fuel bidding wars in the real estate market. There is nothing. Our proposal would have cost about $200 million to implement from coast to coast. That is another reason to vote against the budget.
On top of that, we have to add in the Liberals' creative accounting. They are saying that FIFA games count as an investment. They are saying that recruiting military personnel is a capital investment and that expanding an early retirement program at CBSA counts as capital. They are saying that tax credits for carbon capture count as capital. I have studied economics my entire life. Either the Liberals are out to lunch, or there is not a single economist in Canada who knows what capital is. These are examples of current expenditures.
Furthermore, the Liberals are telling us that there will be a $78.5-billion deficit. However, the Parliamentary Budget Officer estimates that there is a 7% chance that they will reach that target, because they would need to cut $60 billion over five years to achieve it. They have identified $10 billion, but some people do not even think they will even be able to achieve half of that amount. That means that the $78-billion deficit is a minimum.
If anyone needed reasons for voting down the budget, there are a few. Now, we know the Liberals' answers, written down on little cards by the Prime Minister's Office for Liberal members to read out to us like broken records. They say they are giving the Magdalen Islands a runway and building a shark pavilion, and then they want to know how we would dare vote against the budget.
That is why we, as an opposition party, worked out our priorities. The government had our priorities a month in advance but no constructive phone calls were made. The government has another chance, also known as the Standing Committee on Finance. We have six requests. If the government wants the Bloc Québécois's support, the committee stage offers another opportunity to include the demands of Quebeckers and the Bloc Québécois.