House of Commons Hansard #162 of the 45th Parliament, 1st session. (The original version is on Parliament's site.) The word of the day was illness.

Topics

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This summary is computer-generated. Usually it’s accurate, but every now and then it’ll contain inaccuracies or total fabrications.

Statements by Members

Question Period

The Conservatives focus on affordability, calling for gas-tax cuts and criticizing the government over food insecurity and rising food-bank use. They press for fiscal restraint ahead of the budget, question the government’s trade strategy, and demand transparency over corporate influence in the Major Projects Office and alleged insider benefits from Cohere funding and Telesat contracts. They also raise concerns about industrial competitiveness and support for injured soldiers.
The Liberals promote tomorrow’s budget as a plan to build a resilient economy, create jobs and improve affordability, while defending supports for families and children. They champion major infrastructure and energy projects, Canadian industries and sovereign technology, including satellites and AI, and emphasize trade diversification and support for workers facing tariffs. They also highlight housing construction and homebuyer measures.
The Bloc argues Ottawa is serving American interests at Quebec’s expense, citing concessions on culture and dairy and fossil-fuel spending over housing and affordability. It demands repayment of Quebec’s asylum-seeker costs and higher health transfers, and opposes Bill C-39 over its limits on strike rights and Indigenous rights.
The NDP criticize pipeline spending's climate and Indigenous impacts and demand community housing to build one million non-market homes.

Veterans' Week Members mark Veterans’ Week and Remembrance Day by honouring veterans, serving members and military families, including those affected by the recent deaths and injuries at CFB Wainwright. They reflect on the human costs of war and call for remembrance through ceremonies and storytelling, alongside better care and support for veterans. 2800 words, 25 minutes.

Canada Pension Plan Investment Board Act First reading of Bill C-295. The bill requires the Canada Pension Plan Investment Board to avoid investments in entities linked to serious human, labour or environmental rights violations, prohibited weapons, or certain forms of corruption. 300 words.

Petitions

Budget 2025 Implementation Act, No. 2 Report stage of Bill C-31. The bill implements budget measures, including major-project approvals, Canadian procurement, defence investment, trade diversification, business tax incentives and clean-economy support. Conservatives criticize its defence procurement powers and the government’s spending and debt, while Liberals argue it supports economic growth, workers and households. The Bloc raises concerns about pesticide re-evaluations and public-service immunity. 9200 words, 1 hour.

Wartime Service Recognition Act Second reading of Bill S-246. The bill requires a transparent national framework and objective criteria for recognizing wartime service, applied to past and future conflicts. Members across parties support updating recognition for veterans of conflicts such as the Persian Gulf War and Afghanistan, and the bill passes unanimously for committee study. 6000 words, 45 minutes.

Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards Act Second reading of Bill C-41. The bill would permanently exclude MAID where mental illness is the sole underlying condition and allow advance requests for people with capacity-limiting illnesses. Liberal and Bloc members emphasize autonomy and respecting prior wishes, while Conservatives question consent and safeguards and call for the measures to be separated for further study. Provinces and territories would decide whether to implement advance requests. 53500 words, 6 hours.

Adjournment Debates

Parental leave flexibility Garnett Genuis urges the government to adopt five Conservative proposals: pausable parental leave, learning while on leave, a caregiving-income exemption, CPP child-rearing credits for both parents, and continued benefits if a parent dies. Daniel Gobeil highlights child care, school food and EI measures but does not directly address the proposals; Genuis criticizes the response.
Agricultural research centre closures John Barlow condemns Agriculture and Agri-Food Canada’s planned research-centre closures, arguing that the sale of the Nappan beef herd destroys generations of region-specific research and worsens a scientific brain drain. Daniel Gobeil says the cuts reduce overhead while research continues elsewhere and through broader partnerships. Barlow argues the closures undermine essential regional research.
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Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

9:10 p.m.

Conservative

Andrew Lawton Conservative Elgin—St. Thomas—London South, ON

Madam Speaker, I thank the Leader of the Opposition for his tremendous intervention and for his leadership on this.

He alluded in his speech to a very important point, which is that Conservatives won the argument on stopping MAID for mental illness. Everything that my colleagues who were in the previous Parliaments warned against has happened. I note that on the Liberal side, just eight members supported a bill from our former colleague Ed Fast to stop the mental health expansion, and now they are putting it in government legislation.

Does the Leader of the Opposition agree that this is exactly why none of this, certainly not advance requests, should be rushed into on an artificial timeline? Even the Liberal government's own record acknowledges that the Liberals' minds were changed on this.

Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

9:10 p.m.

Conservative

Pierre Poilievre Conservative Battle River—Crowfoot, AB

Madam Speaker, let us remember that it was the Liberal government that first legalized MAID for mental illness, which was set to come into effect in March of next year. The Liberals have all changed their minds, apparently, which proves that people change their minds.

Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

9:10 p.m.

Winnipeg North Manitoba

Liberal

Kevin Lamoureux LiberalParliamentary Secretary to the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons

Madam Speaker, there are mixed emotions when approaching this particular debate because it is very much an emotional type of debate. I have had the opportunity to witness it first-hand for many years. In fact, when I look at its origins, I go back to just prior to the 2015 election, when a Supreme Court of Canada decision was made that ultimately put it on the agenda after Justin Trudeau was elected as Prime Minister. Under a new government, we had to deal with the issue. There was time for the Conservatives, even back in 2015, to attempt to bring forward legislation, but they did not do that.

If I reflect on the number of comments I have heard thus far, a lot of those comments are related to members wanting more debate. They want to have more discussion. It is not that often that I agree with a member from the Bloc, but I can tell members that I believe there has been a great deal of discussion and debate for decades now. One only needs to turn to the province of Quebec, where we see strong leadership on this debate.

It is a highly personal debate. What could be more intimate than discussions with family? I know this from my limited first-hand experience with the passing of my grandmother, when I was sitting at the St. Boniface Hospital, talking with my uncle and my father at her deathbed and listening to what the professionals had to say. Then a number of years later, and unfortunately the gap was not that great, came the passing of my father at the Riverview Health Centre. It is a bit better environment than St. Boniface Hospital, but the same questions were being asked, in particular with my father, who was scared of dying. Who blames an individual when that bridge comes?

There is a point in time in most lives where for an extended period of time, they reflect on that. When that time comes, I believe it is critically important for family, friends and health care professionals, who play a critical role, along with spiritual leadership quite often, to get engaged in a very real and tangible way. I think we often underestimate the important role that our health care providers and those who support them play when it comes to end-of-life care.

I think of my father's passing. When we got him into the Riverview Health Centre, it did not look very promising. There were some medications that ultimately made him feel a whole lot better. I remember him saying to me, “I'm feeling better today than I was three weeks ago.” I talked to the doctor about it, who said that a lot depended on the medications and that while they had been very successful, we should not build our hopes up because it would be very short term. The doctor was right. It did take place relatively quickly.

My father, in the discussions he was having with me, was talking about the cemetery and where he wanted to be buried. He wanted us to understand that he did not want something prolonged like what he had witnessed, to a certain degree, with his mother, my grandmother, at the St. Boniface Hospital.

We really never know until we are put into that position, but I do believe, at my core, that it is the person who should have the ability to make that decision. When we take a look at what has taken place over the last few decades, I go to Sue Rodriguez who, during the early 1990s, had Lou Gehrig’s disease. She raised the discussion, not only on a national level, but back then it was taken into consideration around the world.

When it came to MAID back in 1993, our Supreme Court of Canada made the decision, 5-4, not to move ahead, no doubt for all sorts of reasons. However, the debate has evolved significantly since then. I would like to read what Sue, apparently sometime in December 1992, stated. She said, “I want to be in charge of my life and my death.”

I was a parliamentarian back then and I followed the news quite closely. I can tell members that it ignited a fierce discussion, and it was not just in Manitoba. I believe that discussion has never ended. When we take a look at the Carter decision, which was made prior to the 2015 election, maybe it was at the end of 2014 or 2015, but if we take a look at the arguments, I suspect that the world had changed, because even when the decision was made about Carter by the Supreme Court, there were actually a number of countries that had already put MAID into place, or some form of MAID.

Public opinion has changed on the issue of MAID, even in the last decade since we passed the original legislation, which is why I was posing the question to members opposite. I was not trying to be mischievous. I believe that opinions have changed. If we canvassed Canadians as a whole, we would find that a majority of Canadians want us to move in this direction.

When I think of the individuals who show up at my discussions at McDonald's or in other environments, it seems to reinforce the public opinion that we need to look at moving in the direction that this legislation is bringing us. It is why I highlighted that it is important when we look at legislation, in good part, that we reflect on what a majority of Canadians would want us to be saying.

We can still have our strong personal beliefs, and that is why I asked one member what they felt their constituents would have to say. Is there not a responsibility at least to have more of a balanced approach in debating the legislation? I have not seen that balance coming from the Conservative members thus far in the debate. That even includes the leader of the Conservative Party.

I do believe we need to have a perspective that deals outside our personal opinions. This is why I think it was important for me to talk about a bit of the history and how it has been evolving. As I said, with the Carter decision, there were countries that had MAID. Since that decision, we have seen many other countries explore MAID and I suspect some of those countries are even looking at what Canada has been doing with MAID, because Canada does matter, not only on economic issues, but on social issues also.

We talk about establishing a framework that would allow provinces to put into place a process that protects the integrity of the system. I can appreciate that there are examples that are going to be brought forward during this debate and even previously where there might have been very strong allegations, some of them no doubt proven to be true, which cause a great deal of concern to every member of the House, no matter what side of the debate they are on. For example, when I hear about a veteran who has been instructed, that concerns me greatly, as it would for any Canadian who has been hoodwinked or made to believe they do not have any other options. That does disgust me, but it does not mean we get rid of the opportunity for the thousands of people who have accessed MAID because they believed it was important for them. This is why I say that this has been evolving.

When we talk about establishing the framework with strong guardrails, the debate does not end here. The debate will continue on in provincial and territorial regimes in Canada. Members across the way will say they want one standard practice across the nation. It does not work that way. We have provincial jurisdiction. They are constitutionally given jurisdictions that we have to be sensitive to and respect. This means we have to work with provincial and territorial governments in hopes that the provinces that want to continue to provide MAID are in a position to do so.

I would expect those provinces and territories to add to the very basic guardrails we would be putting into place, and I believe they will. I believe that just as I believe that every member in the House of Commons is genuinely concerned about the subject matter. After all, we are talking about life. I believe the provinces and territories will also take the issue as seriously as members of Parliament do. As we, the Supreme Court and other courts have recognized, it is time that we see the charter, understand what a right is and bring forward laws that would enable MAID not only to exist, but to be supported and, at the same time, protect the individual.

That is something that is within this legislation. There is no need to divide the legislation, as the Conservatives are arguing for. In my opinion, we cannot justify it. If someone says that they want more debate time, what they are really saying is that they do not want it to pass, because we have had decades of commentary and debate, inside the House and outside the House. The public has weighed in. Our courts have weighed in. Parliament has weighed in.

I was here through the many debates that we have had inside the chamber over the last decade since we actually decriminalized it in 2016. I witnessed members of all political entities cry, share their stories and talk about what had taken place in the committees, which was gut-wrenching, no doubt, at times. We have had the opportunity, and we are going to have still more debate and more committee meetings on the issue. However, let us say, for the sake of argument, that we were able to pass the legislation with the its principles still intact. I do not want to preclude what could happen at the committee stage.

We should be able to pass this, hopefully before Christmas. I believe that is a reasonable request, but one of the ways we can ensure that, and have time at the committee stage, would be for the House leadership teams to work on a way that we could actually pass this legislation to committee stage.

Why oppose its going to the committee stage? At committee stage, there would be ample opportunities for stakeholders and parliamentarians to continue adding comments, issues, concerns and so much more. The opportunity is there, but I believe that we need to move forward with the principles of the legislation, as I would ask of those individuals who want to continue debate.

I unfortunately do not have enough time. I would have loved to talk about the issue of hospice care. I would have loved to talk about the issue of palliative care. It is not just money. It is an important aspect, but the greatest threat to health care is not just financial resources, but it is how we manage the changes that are necessary so that we can have the type of quality health care that Canadians want and expect. There needs to be more financial accountability in that area. We need to look at personal care facilities, hospice care facilities and how our hospital institutions administer and provide palliative care, as an example.

I look forward to seeing provinces and territories enter into the debate and discussions, and to taking a look at what the province of Quebec already has on the table. There are already things in place that other jurisdictions can look at. I suspect, over the coming weeks and months as the bill leaves Parliament, that we are going to see more debates on it at the provincial and territorial level, where they will no doubt be expanding on the issue of safeguards and protecting the rights of the individual.

I see my time has expired. I appreciate the opportunity to share a few words.

Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

9:30 p.m.

Conservative

Tako Van Popta Conservative Langley Township—Fraser Heights, BC

Madam Speaker, my colleague from Winnipeg North is suggesting that Conservatives should look at polls more, and I am suggesting that we should be debating these very deep, ethical, complex issues a whole lot more. Would he agree that we cannot just escape our duty as parliamentarians by looking at the polls, but that we need to do a deep dive and study this, like we did with MAID for mental illness?

I would remind the member that, after six years, all the people on that side of the House changed their mind on that issue because of the deep debate that we had on that. Would my colleague agree with me that we need to have a similar debate on this very complex issue of advance medical directives?

Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

9:30 p.m.

Liberal

Kevin Lamoureux Liberal Winnipeg North, MB

Madam Speaker, I would not suggest that Parliament has to follow polls. I would suggest that it is imperative, when we talk about an issue like this, that we ensure that we represent the different sides. It should not be all one-sided. For example, I posed a question to one of his colleagues and the remark was that the majority of all the people who contacted that member do not like it, or something of that nature. That is the essence of it.

I think we have seen an evolution. I say “evolution” because it really has not been all that fast. We are going back to the nineties. The legislation that the government has put forward is, ultimately, a reflection of today's times. We do need to move forward, and there is still the opportunity for the provinces and territories to administer it.

Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

9:35 p.m.

Bloc

Luc Thériault Bloc Montcalm, QC

Madam Speaker, my colleague from Winnipeg North spoke about Quebec's approach to advance requests. It was a long and rigorous process, but we came up with legislation. He says that process should be respected, but when it comes to administering medical assistance in dying, rather than introducing the notion of reasonable means to relieve intolerable suffering, as his bill does, why not use the wording in the Quebec legislation, which refers to determining whether an individual is experiencing suffering that cannot be relieved under conditions the patient considers tolerable?

A person's conditions could be completely intolerable and yet, through what might be considered reasonable means, such as chemical restraint, it could become impossible to respect that individual's criteria. That is my first point.

Second, how can an experienced legislator vote in favour of the principle of a bill that is unconstitutional and discriminates against people with mental illness?

Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

9:35 p.m.

Liberal

Kevin Lamoureux Liberal Winnipeg North, MB

Madam Speaker, I know the member has been a very strong leader on the whole debate around MAID for a number of years, and I have appreciated his contributions, as the minister expressed to me his appreciation of the member's comments. I know he gives a lot of thought to it.

I would encourage the member to take advantage of what he brings to this Parliament on the issue. The depth of his knowledge of what is happening in Quebec could be of great benefit to Parliament. I trust and hope he will be one of the committee members, but he might want to consider bringing some of his thoughts and ideas, even before bringing them to committee, to the minister.

Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

9:35 p.m.

Conservative

Andrew Lawton Conservative Elgin—St. Thomas—London South, ON

Madam Speaker, I am glad to see my colleague from Winnipeg North supporting, in principle, anyway, a halt to the forthcoming expansion of MAID for people with mental illness. However, the member has voted three times against stopping that expansion. He voted for adding mental illness to the MAID regime in Bill C-7. He voted against Bill C-314 in the previous Parliament, and a couple of weeks ago, he voted against Bill C-218.

To what do we attribute the change of heart?

Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

9:35 p.m.

Liberal

Kevin Lamoureux Liberal Winnipeg North, MB

Madam Speaker, for one of the private members' bills that the member referenced, there was already discussions of the government bringing in legislation. The member knows that. After all, there is a court order, and if we do not respect that court order, it will cause a great deal of problems. We need to be able to make changes.

At the end of the day, I would suggest to the member, as I tried to do in my comments, that as we have seen the debate evolve, we have seen significant changes. Some of those changes are brought upon us through courts and others were through lived experiences. We have had more people provide their thoughts on it since we have now had it over a decade.

One thing I made reference to earlier, which the member would no doubt be aware of, is there are many more countries today that have MAID legislation. I think it is becoming better understood, not only here in Canada, but abroad as well.

Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

9:35 p.m.

Liberal

Élisabeth Brière Liberal Sherbrooke, QC

Madam Speaker, how does the government plan to work with the medical community and the provinces to make sure that advance requests are implemented smoothly and surely?

Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

9:40 p.m.

Liberal

Kevin Lamoureux Liberal Winnipeg North, MB

Madam Speaker, I really appreciate the member's question because it amplifies the importance of recognizing that the provinces and territories play an absolutely critical role. The province of Quebec is the one in the best position.

The minister and the Government of Canada are very open to working with provinces and territories if there are ways we can be supportive in those guardrails. We are obviously very concerned in that regard. I have faith and confidence in our provinces and territories to bring in the legislation and the regulations necessary to provide that high sense of comfort for all.

Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

9:40 p.m.

Conservative

Garnett Genuis Conservative Sherwood Park—Fort Saskatchewan, AB

Madam Speaker, the nature of autonomy is that people change their minds. They might think that some future circumstance is intolerable to them. Then, under those circumstances, they have a different experience or an adaptation to those circumstances that they were not expecting. This is why, generally speaking, we do not allow our present selves to bind our future selves.

As it relates to MAID specifically, the latest numbers show 692 people in 2024 made requests for MAID and then changed their minds. Obviously, there are going to be a lot of people who are thinking about this, so they make the request and then decide not to do it. However, with the advance directives framework in this bill, a person would be killed based on a previous expression of their desires without even being asked in the moment. This is clear in the legislation. There is no requirement that the person be told what is about to happen to them before it happens.

What does the member think this would mean for the 692 people who thought they wanted MAID and decided they did not? Would those people be alive today under this framework?

Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

9:40 p.m.

Liberal

Kevin Lamoureux Liberal Winnipeg North, MB

Madam Speaker, the short answer to that is yes, they would be able to say no up until the very end. I will look a bit more into the issue.

At the end of the day, as the member himself pointed out, there are 600 and some people who said yes at one point, but changed their minds. To me, that says the system worked for those individuals because they changed their minds, unless I am missing—

Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

9:40 p.m.

The Assistant Deputy Speaker (Alexandra Mendès) Alexandra Mendes

Resuming debate, the hon. member for Langley Township—Fraser Heights.

Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

9:40 p.m.

Conservative

Tako Van Popta Conservative Langley Township—Fraser Heights, BC

Madam Speaker, at the outset, I would like to note that I will be sharing my time with my colleague, the member for Elgin—St. Thomas—London South.

Tonight, we are debating Bill C-41, the medical assistance in dying safeguard act. This bill would do two substantially different things. First, it would permanently cancel the expansion of MAID for those who are suffering from mental illness. Second, it would introduce a framework for advance medical directives allowing individuals to make decisions in advance about receiving MAID if they later lose the capacity to consent. I support the first measure. I cannot support the second.

The permanent exclusion of mental illness as the sole underlying condition for MAID is a necessary and long overdue correction. It reflects what many medical experts have been saying, including mental health professionals and disability advocates, which is that our health care system cannot reliably distinguish between a treatable mental illness and an irremediable one. The risks are simply too great. I am happy that the Liberals have finally come to that conclusion as well.

Advance medical directives, on the other hand, raise a very different and a far more complex set of ethical and legal questions. They touch on issues of consent, autonomy and the value of human life at the moment when a person may no longer be capable of expressing their wishes. These two issues should never have been bundled together in one single bill. One requires urgent legislative action before a deadline that is only six months away. The other demands careful study and thoughtful consideration.

To understand why the government is finally reversing course on the first issue, medical assistance in dying for those who are suffering from mental illness, it is useful to explore how we arrived at this point. It all started with the Sue Rodriguez case in 1993, where the Supreme Court of Canada upheld the Criminal Code provision that prohibited assisting somebody to die, to commit suicide. Twenty years later, the Carter case came along, and the Supreme Court of Canada changed its mind. It came to quite a different conclusion.

Faced with the circumstances of Ms. Kay Carter, who suffered from ALS, a progressive and incurable neurodegenerative disease, the court found that an absolute prohibition of physician-assisted dying was a breach of section 7 of the charter. The court stated that MAID could be available for people in Ms. Carter's condition as long as that adult was one who clearly consented to the termination of life and it was a grievous and irremediable condition causing enduring and intolerable suffering. It was those two things: clear consent and an irremediable condition. Importantly, the court also emphasized that it really was limited to those specific facts, which is exactly what courts usually do. It was making no pronouncement over any other situation where physician assistance might be sought, for example, for mental illness.

Parliament responded to that Carter decision with Bill C-14, establishing a MAID framework that included a further requirement, that natural death had to be reasonably foreseeable. We thought that was going to be our MAID regime going forward into the future. Unfortunately, that proved to not be the end of the story.

For the next chapter in how the Liberals have mismanaged this whole MAID file, we turn to the Truchon decision in Quebec, where two individuals successfully challenged the “reasonable foreseeability of natural death” provision. What happened next was remarkable. Rather than appealing a lower court decision that struck down an act of Parliament, the Liberal government, the attorney general, chose not to defend the legislation that had been adopted in the House after one of the most significant ethical debates in modern Canadian history. The result was Bill C-7. The legislation created two tracks, one for those whose death was reasonably foreseeable and the other for those who were not in a situation of dying. Significantly, Bill C-7 expressly stated that mental illness alone would not qualify a person for MAID.

After Bill C-7 passed in the House of Commons, the Senate, shockingly in my opinion, proposed amending the bill. It proposed removing the mental illness exclusion after a sunset period of two years. Instead of rejecting the amendment, which the Liberals should have done, the Attorney General, who also should have done it as it is his job to defend the laws of Parliament, accepted it. They caved to the MAID activists. That decision launched Canada down a path that many experts have said is dangerous.

For example, in November 2023, the chairs and heads of numerous psychiatric departments across Canada said that there is “no...accepted definition of irremediability” in mental illness and “no reliable way to distinguish a MAID request from suicidal ideation.” That is what the experts were saying. I am happy that the Liberals finally listened to that and are convinced. They cautioned against expanding MAID in these circumstances, saying that it would risk facilitating preventable deaths and undermine suicide prevention efforts.

The Liberal government did the right thing, sort of. It postponed the implementation date, at first by one year and then later by three more years. Here we are, after six years of uncertainty. The government has finally arrived at where many experts and Canadians believed it should have been all along: MAID for mental illness alone is not sound public policy. The government made the right decision in the bill that is before us, and we agree with that part of it.

However, while retreating from one problematic expansion of MAID, the government would now advance another that is even more problematic. Advance medical directives would allow individuals to specify in advance the circumstances under which they would wish to receive MAID if they later lose the capacity to consent. Now, at first glance, many Canadians might think, well, that makes sense. We write wills. We write powers of attorney. We write health directives. Why should we not write advance medical directives for MAID?

MAID is substantially and fundamentally a different matter. Advance directives concerning MAID authorize an irreversible act that results in death, with someone else, a third party, being tasked with making the ultimate decision. The Liberals talk a lot about the importance of the autonomy of the person. Well, someone has lost autonomy when somebody else is making the decision. That is why many experts urge caution.

For example, Dr. Pageau of Université Laval told the Special Joint Committee on MAID that it is simply not ethical to permit MAID for persons with dementia through advance requests. He posed this question: As the disease progresses, are we honouring the wishes of the person who exists today, or the wishes of someone who existed years earlier? People change their mind. That question deserves much deeper examination before Parliament accedes. We should not be rushing through this very complex ethical question.

The strongest concern with advance medical directives is the issue of consent. The Supreme Court's decision in Carter began with the simple and essential principle that an individual “clearly consents to the termination of life”. Advance directives risk undermining that basic principle.

Dr. Alice Chung appeared before the special joint committee and posed an important question. She asked this: What right does the 60-year-old version of ourselves have to determine the quality of life experienced by the 80- or 90-year-old version of ourselves? She went on to note that medical evidence demonstrates that many individuals adapt to their severe illness, to their disability or to their cognitive decline in ways that they had not anticipated when they might have signed advance directives. What once to them seemed intolerable looking into the future, being uncertain of the future, may later become meaningful and a worthwhile life.

These are not abstract scenarios. They are real-world examples that we received from experts, which raised difficult questions about autonomy, dignity and the risk of ending the life of someone who may no longer share the wishes they had expressed years earlier.

In conclusion, we applaud the government for proposing to stop the expansion of MAID, but we say that it must not—

Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

9:50 p.m.

The Deputy Speaker Tom Kmiec

Questions and comments, the hon. parliamentary secretary to the government House leader.

Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

9:50 p.m.

Winnipeg North Manitoba

Liberal

Kevin Lamoureux LiberalParliamentary Secretary to the Leader of the Government in the House of Commons

Mr. Speaker, if we take the other side, what about individuals who feel very passionate about the fact that they want to be able to make that decision? Does the member feel any sense of obligation to those individuals? After all, they know they can always reverse the decision. Why does the member feel that person should not have the right to make the decision?

Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

9:50 p.m.

Conservative

Tako Van Popta Conservative Langley Township—Fraser Heights, BC

Mr. Speaker, I will go back to the Carter decision, which said that consent is at the centre of MAID, and the autonomy of the human being to make that decision. A person cannot change their mind anymore after they become incapable. Somebody else has to make that decision for them, and that undermines the autonomy of that person and undermines the very central principle of consent to receiving MAID. That is why I object to it.

Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

9:50 p.m.

Conservative

Garnett Genuis Conservative Sherwood Park—Fort Saskatchewan, AB

Mr. Speaker, there has been some confusion in the debate tonight around the issue of whether a person could withdraw consent if they make an advance directive. Let us clear it up.

If I sign an advance directive today but three weeks later, still having capacity, think I actually do not want to do this anymore, could I withdraw my advance directive? Yes, I could. However, if a person signs an advance directive and then loses capacity, they are not in a position to withdraw it. In addition, if a person does not want MAID at the time they are about to receive it, they could still be given MAID, because there would be no requirement to tell them what is about to happen to them. Yes, if the person resists physically in the moment, the legislation would require that the process of MAID stop, but if a person is simply told—

Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

9:50 p.m.

An hon. member

Oh, oh!

Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

9:50 p.m.

Conservative

Garnett Genuis Conservative Sherwood Park—Fort Saskatchewan, AB

Mr. Speaker, I hear the member saying, “needle in the skin”. There does not have to be a needle in the skin to administer MAID. Someone could already be on an IV, and the content of the IV could be changed. There would be no requirement to tell someone what is about to happen, which is clearly concerning in terms of the right to withdraw consent, is it not?

Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

9:55 p.m.

Conservative

Tako Van Popta Conservative Langley Township—Fraser Heights, BC

Mr. Speaker, my colleague's question is central to the issue of medical assistance in dying, MAID. The Carter case said that MAID can be applied only when the person clearly consents. Being able to change their mind is part of that autonomy. If a patient cannot withdraw their consent, there is no longer autonomy. I think it goes against the Carter case. It certainly goes against ethics and moral law.

Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

9:55 p.m.

Bloc

Andréanne Larouche Bloc Shefford, QC

Mr. Speaker, this evening, I cannot help but feel that there is a great deal of hypocrisy in this House. On the one hand, we know exactly where the Conservatives stand. On the other, the Liberals' position is far less clear.

In Quebec, however, things are clear. In fact, this morning I heard on the news that Quebec reached an objective decision through a non-partisan commission that examined the issue of the right to die with dignity.

Do my colleagues understand what it means, from a clinical perspective, to administer MAID? This morning, I saw a video produced by Santé Québec Montérégie-Est, which explained that, at every stage, the doctor asks the patient whether this is still what they want.

My point is simple. In Quebec, it has been clearly established that MAID is not available to just anyone and that there is a specific procedure to follow. Are my colleagues familiar with the clinical procedures that govern MAID?

Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

November 4th, 2026 / 9:55 p.m.

Conservative

Tako Van Popta Conservative Langley Township—Fraser Heights, BC

Mr. Speaker, I realize there are differences of opinion on this very important ethical and legal question, and I respect that. We are not all going to be of the same mind on these issues, but what I am saying is that the evidence we have so far from the MAID committee suggests very clearly that this requires a much deeper dive. We need to have a study. The bill should be split so we can advance with one issue and put the other to committee for a deep-dive study.

Bill C-41 Medical Assistance in Dying Safeguards ActGovernment Orders

9:55 p.m.

Conservative

Andrew Lawton Conservative Elgin—St. Thomas—London South, ON

Mr. Speaker, it is always a great honour to rise in the House, and, I will say, especially so to speak to this legislation.

One of the reasons I got into politics, one of the planks of my campaign for the nomination for my party, was to put an end to MAID for mental illness. That is a position that up until a few months ago, the Liberal government was dead set opposed to. For years, the Liberals have argued that MAID must expand to include people with mental illness. Even when concerns were being raised about the lack of readiness and the lack of willingness by provinces and physicians, they would not abandon this. They instead kept kicking the can down the road.

It was a great privilege to serve on the Special Joint Committee on Medical Assistance in Dying, a committee that was assembled by Parliament and was tasked very specifically and narrowly to explore the issue of whether MAID could ever be safely or reasonably expanded to people with mental illness. The committee turned back a single recommendation, which Liberal and Conservative members on the committee were united on: that the expansion of MAID to people with only a mental illness not proceed.

To have Liberals and Conservatives in alignment on a matter of conscience, on a matter such as that, is so important, especially on something that just a couple of years ago, just in the previous Parliament, the majority of the Liberal caucus voted against doing.

When Bill C-314 was put forward, a bill to stop the expansion of MAID to mental illness, only eight Liberal members supported it. That is a huge problem. I am grateful they have now come around to the conclusion that Conservatives were warning about for years: that we must protect the vulnerable. People struggling with mental illness need our support.

Yes, we need services and treatment. More importantly, we need to be instilling hope, not sending a message that someone is better off dead than alive. I have said in the House many times, and I will reiterate it so everyone knows, this is an issue that is very personal to me. I nearly lost my life to suicide just under 16 years ago, and I very likely would not be here today if MAID for mental illness had been available in 2010, when I was in my darkest days. I can say that with a level of confidence, seeing how existing safeguards have not worked, how existing safeguards in the MAID regime have not prevented people who do not meet the legal criteria from accessing MAID.

Earlier today, the leader of the official opposition mentioned in his speech the case of Kiano Vafaeian, a 26-year-old who dealt with diabetes and partial blindness, and, more importantly, had a range of mental health issues. He was denied MAID in Ontario, but he went doctor shopping. He went to another province, found one of the most prolific purveyors of MAID in Canada and received it. His family got the call that he had died at the hands of a doctor.

There have been other cases that we heard about at the special joint committee, and others that we have heard in the media. People have also reached out to me with their stories. There are stories of people who have been offered MAID who do not want it and stories of people who do not meet anything resembling the legal criteria right now but who have nonetheless been found eligible or told they would be.

There is a very fundamental question facing parliamentarians right now: If existing safeguards on the current MAID regime right now are not working, how would it be anything other than reckless and irresponsible to expand the system in any way?

This brings us to Bill C-41. Despite the singular recommendation that Liberals and Conservatives agreed on to stop the expansion of MAID to people with mental illness, Bill C-41 is not a bill about that. In fact, the 12 pages of Bill C-41 contain three sentences dealing with MAID for mental illness. Two and a half clauses, but three sentences, of the 12-page bill would stop the expansion of MAID that would allow people with depression, schizophrenia or an eating disorder access to this regime, to a medically guided, medically directed death.

The rest of the bill, the rest of the 12 pages of Bill C-41, proposes an expansion of MAID called advance requests, MAID for people who would not be able to consent because they will have lost the capacity, but who wish to consent ahead of time. This would be people with very real, very serious degenerative neurological conditions such as Alzheimer's and other dementias.

This is something we find deeply concerning, if we have been following the lack of safeguards already. When I look at this bill, I see a range of issues, some of which we have heard mentioned in debate tonight, such as the fact that one does not need to be told that MAID is about to be administered before it is; that a doctor or nurse practitioner has tremendous latitude to make, in their own opinion, a determination as to whether someone's suffering is sufficiently intolerable for the request to be actioned, a request that might have been made a decade earlier; and that if the person says no but the practitioner believes there is sufficient doubt as to whether they were really saying no, the practitioner can simply try again in 30 days. That is what the bill says: They can try again in 30 days if there is doubt as to whether the person was refusing it.

Some of the MAID practitioners in Canada who have become quite well known talked about this issue before Bill C-41 was tabled. Some of these physicians have said that if someone who has an advance request is screaming “no” and flailing their arms around, doctors would disregard that, as they do not believe that is legitimate because they have made a determination that this person does not know what they are saying or doing. Doctors have already said they intend to ignore what I think are already quite lax guidelines and stipulations set out in Bill C-41. If existing safeguards are not working, how can we ever expect an expansion to not lead to many more problems?

At every step of the journey, as we have discussed MAID in Canada, there have been those warning of the slippery slope. If we expand it to this, then there is going to be something else next. At times, many on the Liberal benches have said they are fearmongering. We are barrelling down the slippery slope right now. Every single prediction that has been made about where this is going has come to pass.

I would note that the Liberals have done something very cynical. By marrying the provisions stopping the mental health expansion with advance requests, they are holding a gun to the heads of members of Parliament, forcing us to put a complicated and divisive bill forward on a timeline that is not necessary, because we are all committed on the Conservative benches to ensuring that the mental health expansion does not kick in in March of next year.

If we do nothing, if no legislation is passed, people with a mental illness as a sole underlying condition will be eligible for MAID. That is why Liberals could have done the right thing two weeks ago and voted for Bill C-218, legislation that I was proud to cosponsor and that was put forward by my colleague from Cloverdale—Langley City, legislation supported by the Green Party leader, New Democrats, a couple on the Liberal benches and huge numbers of Canadians, including disability rights advocates and mental health organizations. If the Liberals had supported that bill, we would have been off to the races. We could have had the time necessary to debate and discuss advance requests, hear witness testimony and ensure that all sides and many Canadians had the opportunity to have a say. Instead, we have comments like those from the member for Etobicoke—Lakeshore, who said that the first part of the bill is not only important but urgent, because if we do not pass this bill immediately, this law will take effect on March 17, 2027. He asked every member of this House to vote in favour of Bill C-41 for that reason.

The Liberals are already saying that we are the ones who have to force this bill through to meet a timeline that they are setting by their refusal to separate these two fundamentally distinct provisions. They refuse to allow separate bills or even separate votes on whether to expand MAID to people with mental illness and whether to expand MAID to people who wish to make an advance request. That is a tremendously reasonable response from us to the Liberals, if the Liberals are serious about, as they keep saying, getting this complicated issue right. They should split the bill and dispense with these cynical, divisive politics that are gambling with people's lives.