House of Commons Hansard #92 of the 45th Parliament, 1st session. (The original version is on Parliament's site.) The word of the day was iran.

Topics

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Export and Import Permits Act Second reading of Bill C-233. The bill aims to amend the Export and Import Permits Act to close dangerous loopholes in Canada's arms export regime, particularly the exemption for exports to the United States. Supporters argue it ensures Canada's international obligations and prevents human rights violations. Opponents, including the Bloc and Conservatives, warn it is too rigid, could harm Canadian industry, and strain alliances and the crucial defence relationship with the U.S. 6900 words, 1 hour.

Government Business No. 6—Proceedings on Bill C-9 Members debate a motion to expedite Bill C-9, which aims to combat hate propaganda, hate crimes, and protect access to religious sites. Liberals and the Bloc Québécois support the motion, citing Conservative filibustering and the urgent need to address rising hate-motivated violence. Conservatives oppose limiting debate, arguing the bill, particularly the removal of the religious exemption, threatens freedom of religion and expression, and that the government is censoring discussion on a "censorship bill." 15800 words, 2 hours.

Statements by Members

Question Period

The Conservatives criticize the Liberal government's economic policies, including the fuel standard and industrial carbon tax, for driving record inflation and shrinking the economy. They demand action on rising food costs. The party also raises concerns about national security, calling for the deportation of IRGC members and supporting energy development.
The Liberals emphasize Canada's strong economy and its role as an energy superpower, citing record oil production and critical mineral investments. They promote affordability through tax cuts, social programs like child care and the Canada groceries and essentials benefit, and modernizing benefit delivery. The party also addresses national security and the removal of IRGC members.
The Bloc criticizes the Cúram software for its cost overruns, impacting 85,000 seniors, and demands an independent public inquiry. They also seek social licence for rail expropriations.
The Greens criticize Canada's foreign policy for supporting illegal attacks by the United States and Israel against Iran.

Canada Post Corporation Act First reading of Bill C-262. The bill aims to modernize and standardize direct-to-consumer shipping of Canadian wine, beer, and spirits across provincial borders, creating a national framework to replace current provincial rules. 300 words.

Petitions

Build Canada Homes Act Second reading of Bill C-20. The bill aims to establish Build Canada Homes, a Crown corporation, to increase affordable housing supply and promote efficient building techniques. The Liberal government states it will fast-track construction, use federal lands, and leverage partnerships, backed by a $13 billion investment. Conservatives criticize it as a fourth bureaucracy that will not solve the housing crisis, citing past Liberal failures and proposing tax cuts and reduced red tape instead. The Bloc Québécois argues housing is provincial jurisdiction and advocates for unconditional federal transfers to Quebec. 26100 words, 3 hours.

Iran and the Middle East Members debate the hostilities in Iran and the Middle East and their impact on Canadians abroad. The Liberals emphasize de-escalation, civilian protection, and consular support for Canadians, while Conservatives criticize the government's "incoherent and contradictory" position on U.S. air strikes. The Bloc Québécois stresses the importance of consulting allies and preparing contingency plans, and the NDP condemns the strikes as illegal under international law, urging a return to diplomacy. 31600 words, 4 hours.

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Iran and the Middle EastGovernment Orders

March 9th, 2026 / 10:10 p.m.

NDP

Don Davies NDP Vancouver Kingsway, BC

Mr. Chair, there are moments in global affairs when the decisions of powerful nations echo beyond their borders, when the international order is tested, when rules meant to prevent mass violence are cast aside and when innocent people pay the ultimate price. We are living through such a moment now.

On February 28, the United States and Israel launched coordinated air strikes against Iran. This was a patently unlawful act of aggression and the consequences were entirely foreseeable: Iranian retaliation across the region, the closure of the Strait of Hormuz and a rapidly escalating conflict with massive damage and the loss of innocent lives.

It is a war being prosecuted with appalling brutality and disregard for international humanitarian law. Instead of protecting civilians, U.S. and Israeli forces are deliberately striking non-military sites and civilian infrastructure, a pattern disturbingly reminiscent of Israel's recent siege of Gaza. Targets hit thus far include a girls' elementary school, attacked by missiles once to kill the children and then again to kill the parents frantically looking for their kids; hospitals; desalination plants; oil refineries; and historic cultural sites. Densely populated cities are being carpet-bombed. The death toll is now in the thousands.

These are war crimes. This disregard for civilian life is no accident. It is being openly celebrated by the Trump administration. On March 2, U.S. Defence Secretary Pete Hegseth declared the United States will not be following “stupid rules of engagement” or fighting “politically correct wars”. Instead, he said that “death and destruction” were the prime objectives of the U.S. forces.

What has been the Liberal government's response to this illegal, dangerous assault? It is a position that is unprincipled, contradictory and incoherent. In fact, it has changed almost daily. The Prime Minister's initial response offered a full-throated endorsement with no caveats, conditions or even a mention of international law. That is a telling and tragic omission.

Under the UN Charter, force between states is prohibited, except in two prescribed circumstances: self-defence from an actual attack or authorization by the Security Council. These strikes met neither test. Trump administration officials admitted there was no intelligence suggesting Iran planned to attack the United States, and neither the U.S. nor Israel even attempted to bring a case before the Security Council, the only body under international law empowered to determine when the use of force is lawful. Put bluntly, this attack is clearly and completely illegal under international law.

Moreover, the International Atomic Energy Agency has confirmed that their inspectors had found no evidence of a coordinated Iranian program to build nuclear weapons. On the contrary, at the very time the U.S. and Israel attacked, negotiations were ongoing, with mediator Oman saying that significant progress was being made and that Iran had made all the necessary concessions asked of it. This is against the backdrop of Donald Trump ripping up the previous nuclear agreement with Iran that had, by all accounts, been working, as well as the bombing of Iranian nuclear facilities and scientists by Israeli forces last June, which Trump said, at the time, conclusively took out Iran's nuclear weapons capacity.

However, the Prime Minister chose to endorse this war. Only four days after doing so, he then admitted that the attack appears inconsistent with international law, but in the same breath declared he supports it, with regret. Then, when asked directly whether Canada might participate militarily, the Prime Minister refused to draw a firm line, saying only that “One can never categorically rule out participation”.

This is untenable. One cannot logically and ethically acknowledge that a war is illegal, but continue to support it and refuse to rule out participation in that very illegality. More disturbingly, the words and actions of the Prime Minister completely contradict the foreign policy doctrine he outlined at Davos just weeks ago. There, he told the world that Canada and other middle powers “are not powerless” and that we have “the capacity to build a new order that encompasses our values, like respect for human rights...sovereignty and territorial integrity”.

He said that we aim to be principled in our commitment to the prohibition of the use of force, except when consistent with the UN Charter. He claimed that middle powers must “live the truth” by “acting consistently, applying the same standards to allies and rivals.”

Canada has rightly condemned Russia's invasion of Ukraine as illegal, but when the United States and Israel launched air strikes that equally violated international law, the Prime Minister offered his support. This is a stark betrayal of the Prime Minister's own words.

In our view, Canada's security is always dependent on a rules-based order that constrains great powers. The moment we decide international law applies only to our adversaries, we undermine the very protections that shield countries like our own. This is not just my position as leader of the New Democratic Party. Former Liberal foreign affairs minister Lloyd Axworthy has been blunt in his critique of the Prime Minister's approach.

Mr. Axworthy said Canada is abandoning its historic commitment to preventing illegal aggression. He warns that the Prime Minister is becoming a “complicit partner” to Trump's ambitions, and he indicts the Prime Minister with endorsing Trump's new “obsession with becoming an imperial power”, calling that the “worst kind of situation for Canada.”

Canada ought not continue down this path. The time for ambiguity is over, and principled clarity is required now. That is why New Democrats are calling on the government to take three clear positions immediately: Condemn the war and explicitly recognize it violates the UN charter, categorically rule out any Canadian military participation and call for an immediate ceasefire and a return to multilateral diplomacy.

I would like to address the key arguments raised by the Liberals and the Conservatives throughout this debate. The first is that Iran's regime is oppressive and dangerous. New Democrats are under no illusions about the Iranian regime or its brutal repression, nor do we dismiss concerns about nuclear proliferation, but an illegal war is not the answer. It can never be if we desire a world of order, security and justice. The real remedy is harder: diplomacy, engagement, arms control and rigorous inspections, which are tools that were working when this war was launched.

Furthermore, we know from painful experience what follows U.S. regime change wars. Similar attacks on Iraq, Afghanistan, Libya and Syria did not yield stability or democracy. On the contrary, these societies are now lawless and fragmented, economic basket cases run by the people we once labelled terrorists, with prolonged conflict, civilian suffering, mass displacement and regional chaos. Most fundamentally, the events unfolding in Iran today will not bring freedom to its people. They will bring catastrophe.

Second, we heard the argument that with tariffs already weaponized against our economy, Canada cannot risk further retaliation from Donald Trump. We must be honest about what that position demands, placing a price on Canada's independence, reputation and humanity. I remind the House that Canada's ability to chart our own foreign policy was not gifted to us. It was earned through immense national sacrifice, and it cannot be sacrificed on the altar of expediency or by bending to a bully.

However, I think the best answer is to quote the Prime Minister again just weeks ago in Davos. He invoked Václav Havel's image of the greengrocer who placed a sign in his window to avoid trouble and signal compliance, and the Prime Minister proudly declared that Canada was “taking the sign out of the window.” He said that if we think we can go along to get along, to accommodate, to avoid trouble and to hope compliance will buy safety, it will not.

What sign has the Prime Minister put in Canada's window by his recent statements and clear contradictions? It is a sign that says our values are conditional, our words lack integrity and our foreign policy is for sale. That is not the Canada New Democrats envision, and we believe it is not who Canadians want us to be.

On the gravest questions any government can face, such as whether to commit our country to war, whether to implicate Canadian forces in illegal violence, whether to abandon the principles we proclaim, Canadians deserve clarity, consistency and moral courage. That is what we owe the people we represent. That is what I and my New Democrat colleagues are here to demand tonight.

Iran and the Middle EastGovernment Orders

10:20 p.m.

Green

Elizabeth May Green Saanich—Gulf Islands, BC

Mr. Chair, I made many of those points as well when I spoke earlier this evening, because it is clear that this is an illegal war, but we are put with a false choice that if we do not oppose an illegal war, we are somehow just giving in and abandoning the brave people of Iran who are fighting against a brutal regime.

Does the hon. leader of the NDP not believe we can do both: work hard to protect and stand in solidarity with the brave people of Iran, and denounce an illegal and reckless war undertaken by the United States and Israel?

Iran and the Middle EastGovernment Orders

10:25 p.m.

NDP

Don Davies NDP Vancouver Kingsway, BC

Mr. Chair, the answer is yes. We do have an obligation to stand by the people of Iran, as we do for all oppressed people of the world. The real question that this debate engages tonight is how to do that. I know my hon. colleague is a lawyer. We cannot justify breaking the law because we think we have a good motive. I imagine Canadian society if we invoked that in our streets. If there was a family we did not like or we disagreed with, we could take it upon ourselves to violently attack them. To use such a ridiculous example shows how absolutely, utterly absurd this is on an international level.

Once again, I commend to my colleagues the examples in this House. Tell me an example in the Middle East where violence has resulted in freedom for the people, democracy in their government and better welfare for their society. Show me where. It did not happen in Libya, it did not happen in Iraq, it did not happen in Syria and it did not happen in Afghanistan. One cannot impose democracy from the outside by force. We need to stand with the Iranian people in a peaceful way and support them with diplomacy, with economic sanctions, with help and with nuclear proliferation processes that actually work. We are working.

Iran and the Middle EastGovernment Orders

10:25 p.m.

Conservative

The Assistant Deputy Chair Conservative John Nater

There being no further members wishing to speak, pursuant to Standing Order 53.1, the committee will now rise.

(Government Business No. 7 reported)

Iran and the Middle EastGovernment Orders

10:25 p.m.

The Assistant Deputy Speaker John Nater

It being 10:27, the House stands adjourned until tomorrow at 10 a.m., pursuant to Standing Order 24(1).

(The House adjourned at 10:27 p.m.)