Good morning and thank you for the opportunity to speak today.
My name is David Binger. I’m completing my Master of Arts in counselling psychology at Yorkville University. I grew up in Ontario’s group home system. Much of my work focuses on how systemic failures in child welfare directly shape education, employment and mental health outcomes for people from care. Most of the evidence I'll reference today comes from Ontario as that's where I both grew up and conducted most of my research. Still, these patterns reflect structural issues seen across Canada.
In Ontario, research shows that the vast majority of youth leaving care, often cited to be as high as 90%, rely on social assistance within months of aging out. Those who do find work are typically in low-wage, insecure positions, reflecting barriers that begin long before adulthood. Over a lifetime, people from care earn roughly $326,000 less than their peers, reflecting the cumulative impact of disrupted education, placement instability, unregulated and undertrained staff, neglect and unresolved trauma.
These outcomes are not the result of individual failure, but of systemic design. If we want to improve youth employment for people from care, we must address the structures that shape their beginnings.
My remarks today focus on four upstream areas that urgently need reform: the lack of professional regulation and oversight in care; the harmful effects of privatization and profit incentives; inadequate educational and post-care supports; and the absence of standardized national data to guide evidence-based policy.
On regulation and oversight, in Ontario, the people responsible for caring for vulnerable youth, including group home staff and children’s aid society workers, are not required to be professionally regulated through any recognized college. Section 38 of Ontario’s Child, Youth and Family Services Act requires that every CAS appoint a “local director with the prescribed qualifications [and] powers”, but it does not require that director or anyone else in the organization to hold registration with a professional regulatory body such as the Ontario College of Social Workers and Social Service Workers.
When a complaint is filed against a CAS, it must first go through the agency’s own internal review, meaning the organization investigates itself. Only limited types of complaints can proceed to the Child and Family Services Review Board, which often refers matters back to the same CAS for resolution. This keeps accountability largely internal rather than independent, creating an inherent conflict of interest and eroding public trust.
Beyond regulation, there must also be greater emphasis on psychological and clinical expertise in group home management. Our administrative oversight has proven inadequate for youth whose needs are psychological, not procedural. Complex trauma cannot be managed just through case files; it requires regulated clinicians capable of guiding therapeutic intervention and stability planning. Group homes should be managed by clinical directors—professionals with counselling and psychology backgrounds who can guide trauma-informed practice and ensure that interventions are evidence-based.
A parent outside the system would not rely solely on a caseworker to address a child’s serious emotional distress. They would seek a clinician. Youth in care deserve that same level of professional guidance. Embedding clinical leadership within group homes would greatly improve outcomes and reduce the long-term social and economic costs of unaddressed trauma and systemic neglect.
Outcomes for people from care have always been horrendous, with low graduation rates, chronic poverty and overrepresentation in homelessness and incarceration. Privatization has made these outcomes worse. In 2024, Global News reported in the article “Indigenous kids allegedly called ‘cash cows’ of Ontario’s child-welfare system”, that private operators profit from per diem contracts rewarding occupancy over outcomes.
Peterborough Currents and the Ontario ombudsman have reported that unlicensed and privately run group homes are increasingly used despite evidence of poor outcomes and soaring costs, with some unlicensed homes charging up to $60,000 per child per month, which demonstrates how privatization has failed to deliver either fiscal efficiency or safe, consistent care.
The UN guidelines for the alternative care of children, which interpret Canada’s obligations under the Convention on the Rights of the Child, state that care must never be provided for religious, economic or political gain, yet Ontario’s funding model still ties payments to head counts and per diem rates, undermining both these principles and Canada’s international commitment to uphold them.
A 2021 analysis by Rampersaud and Mussell found that each annual Ontario cohort of roughly 500 youth aging out of care generates between $394 million and $1.05 billion in lifetime public costs, driven by lost earnings, reduced tax contributions and chronic, revolving reliance on social assistance, housing, health and justice services.
Education is the strongest predictor of stable employment and independence, yet Ontario’s living and learning grant bases eligibility solely on a person from care’s age at the start of the study period, cutting off support entirely for anyone from care who begins post-secondary education after 26. Research consistently shows that youth from care reach independence later due to trauma, disrupted education and delayed developmental readiness. Policies that impose rigid, arbitrary age cut-offs push them into post-secondary education before they're developmentally prepared and withdraw support before they've had a fair chance to succeed.
With roughly 500 youth aging out each year, Ontario alone has added roughly $3.9 billion to $10.5 billion in lifetime public costs over the last 10 years, and $7.9 billion to $21 billion over 20 years, purely from stacking cohorts. That's the scale of avoidable loss we could redirect into proven supports. Redirecting even a fraction toward wraparound education, housing, and mental health supports would increase overall outcomes and the labour market. Education isn't charity; it's infrastructure.