Therefore, we have to have this debate concurrently. Formally or otherwise, we have to debate CPC-8 and NDP-2 at the same time and let the committee decide which is a better definition, or if no definition is required.
I don't think NDP-2 is necessarily a bad definition, but I would suggest to the members that CPC-8 is actually a superior definition.
The most problematic verbiage in NDP-2 is the words “deeply felt” in line 3 of the proposed amendment. These are serious matters, and the witnesses who have testified, especially those who have testified from the transgender community, all feel very deeply about their gender identify. They feel very deeply about their gender expression.
I think it would naturally be difficult to come to a committee and talk about these very sensitive matters, the tribulations and the trials they have been put through as a result of their gender identity. I think it would be almost axiomatic that anybody who is claiming the protection of gender identity under the Canadian Human Rights Act feels deeply that they have experienced gender identity issues.
What I propose—and this might be shutting the gate after the cows have left—is some sort of objective analysis. I anticipate that the sponsor of the bill is going to oppose me on this proposition, but I would like to see some sort of objective analysis to give credibility to the claim that one has gender identity issues.
Most of the criteria that currently afford protection under the Human Rights Act make it evident upon examination that the person qualifies. When somebody is claiming to have been discriminated against on the basis of race, ethnic origin, or sex, a cursory look at the individual would likely tell the commissioner or the tribunal that the person in fact falls into a class of individuals that are afforded protection by race, sex, or ethnic origin.
Other criteria that currently afford protection are slightly more tricky—certainly sexual orientation and religion—but with religion, if a matter were to go to an adjudication or to a tribunal, the complainant could at least theoretically be compelled to provide the tenets of his faith to demonstrate that he is in fact a subscriber to the religion he claims to belong to, and is therefore afforded protection against discrimination on the basis of religion as enumerated in section 2 of the Canadian Human Rights Act.
However, with respect to gender identity, I challenge the sponsor of the bill to differentiate between individuals who are genuinely in need of this protection—and I readily admit those individuals do exist—and individuals who might raise it as a matter of convenience.
I think the DSM-IV-TR backs me up on this. Gender identity disorder, or gender identity dysphoria, is a clinical term that refers to individuals who truly believe their inherent gender is something other than the gender assigned to them at birth.
I would suggest to the members of this committee that if a person is genuinely experiencing a gender identity disorder, he or she should be able to provide some sort of objective analysis of it.
Otherwise, in this section it's the individual's “deeply felt internal and individual experience”. If I'm reading this correctly, all an individual has to say is, “Yes, I deeply feel that I have gender identity issues” and they're automatically.... It's, “Do you feel deeply about it?” Of course the person feels deeply about it; otherwise they wouldn't be there.
If that is the test for establishing the eligibility for human rights protection, I think we've set the bar too low.
These are serious matters. Individuals who seriously have bona fide gender identity issues ought to be afforded protection, and I accept that premise, but there ought to be some sort of objective way of analyzing it, as opposed to self-describing as having gender identity issues pursuant to the qualifier “deeply felt”.
I think other members of the committee may want to wade in on this debate.