Evidence of meeting #6 for Public Safety and National Security in the 43rd Parliament, 2nd Session. (The original version is on Parliament’s site, as are the minutes.) The winning word was rcmp.
A recording is available from Parliament.
5:05 p.m.
Liberal
5:05 p.m.
Conservative
5:05 p.m.
The Clerk
Can Ms. Samuels-Wortley speak a bit to see if we have sound?
5:05 p.m.
Assistant Professor, Carleton University, As an Individual
Certainly. Can you hear me now?
5:05 p.m.
The Clerk
Yes.
Can you go back about 20 seconds in your presentation? We should be able to capture what we missed.
5:05 p.m.
Assistant Professor, Carleton University, As an Individual
Certainly. I apologize to those who are going to hear this again.
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Liberal
The Chair Liberal John McKay
Before you do, could you tell me where we are, Mr. Clerk? I neglected to stop the clock.
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Assistant Professor, Carleton University, As an Individual
Would you like me to start from the beginning again?
5:05 p.m.
Liberal
5:05 p.m.
The Clerk
We have lost about a minute of time. We should be good.
5:05 p.m.
Liberal
The Chair Liberal John McKay
If I start her at a minute, would that be good?
Okay.
You have six minutes left. Thank you.
5:05 p.m.
Assistant Professor, Carleton University, As an Individual
I'll start with policing. It is one area that warrants specific attention in the criminal justice process simply due to the fact that it is the initial point of contact with members of the community. Police, of course, also have the discretion and coercive power to determine whether one's behaviour is criminal or not. Police are the gatekeepers to the justice system.
Some scholars and advocates will argue that the police only target individuals who commit crime, which thus explains the higher rates of offending among Black and indigenous peoples. However, there is a growing body of Canadian research that reveals how racially biased policing behaviours and practices also contribute to racial disparities in our justice system.
For the remainder of the discussion I will specifically speak to research pertaining to Black communities in Canada including concerns over racial profiling, police discretion and the under-policing of Black victimization.
For decades, Black communities in Canada have raised concerns that they are subject to higher levels of police surveillance. Racial profiling reflects the belief that officers often focus on the race of civilians rather than individualized suspicion or behaviour. These allegations are supported by a growing body of studies conducted in Toronto, Ottawa, Halifax, Montreal and Vancouver that reveal that Black people—more specifically, Black men—are grossly overrepresented in the official street check statistics.
Furthermore, a number of studies have shown that Black people are more likely to report multiple police stops and search incidents than respondents from other racial groups. Importantly, racial differences with respect to police contact remain even after controlling for other relevant factors including gender, social class, neighbourhood characteristics and criminal behaviour.
In other words, racial differences in police contact cannot be explained away by poverty or involvement in crime. Race matters. If you're a Black man in Canada, the question is not if you will be stopped, but when.
As a result of these practices, Black people are more likely to be caught for engaging in minor criminal activity than people from other racial backgrounds who engage in the exact same behaviour. This is a form of systemic racism.
Research also suggests that when white Canadians are caught breaking the law, they will be treated more leniently by the police than Black people. My own research demonstrates that concerns over police discretion and its impact on arrest decisions are valid.
To illustrate, our Youth Criminal Justice Act not only advises, but also gives police officers the power to choose alternative measures to the court system when apprehending a youth who has committed a crime. This is rooted in research that suggests the court system is not only costly, but inappropriate for most young people who engage in crime. Yet my analysis of police data suggests that in comparison to youth from other racial backgrounds, Black youth are more likely to be charged and less likely to receive an alternative sanction.
Involvement with the court system can lead to an array of negative consequences including societal stigmatization. Furthermore, a criminal record can have a negative impact on both educational and employment opportunities and ultimately lead to further criminal involvement. Therefore, Black people are more likely to face criminal charges and experience court interventions, as my data suggests. They are also more likely to experience the negative consequences of criminalization and labelling.
The disproportionate racial charge rates suggests that bias has become embedded in police discretion. It is these systems that perpetrate systemic racism.
Finally, I would like to switch gears and turn to the topic of victimization. While Black communities are over-policed in many respects, members of the Black community have long raised concerns over police inaction or insensitivity when it comes to their own victimization.
While the research is scarce, what data do exist suggest that Black people are at a higher risk of victimization than people from other racial backgrounds. However, research also suggests that Black people in Canada are less likely to report crime, including their own victimization, to the police. My current research seeks to understand why. Having a better understanding as to why people fail to report to the police is of great importance. Civilian reporting is needed to identify community crime levels. Civilian co-operation with police investigations is also needed to solve crimes and bring offenders to justice.
My analysis of national victimization data demonstrates that Black Canadians have little trust or confidence in the police. My one-on-one interviews with Black youth in Toronto demonstrate that this lack of trust decreases youth's motivations to report crime. This lack of trust is directly related to experiences of harsh and inadequate treatment by law enforcement officials.
To illustrate, many youth report that when they did report a crime to police in the past, the police treated them as a crime suspect rather than as a victim. Others fear that reporting victimization to the police could lead to police use of force against them or their family members. This places Black youth in a vulnerable position due to their increased risk of violent victimization as well as a lack of trust in an institution that is meant to serve and protect them. This is not only an example of systemic racism, but an issue of public safety.
We are at a time when citizens are expressing concern over racial bias in Canadian policing. In fact, a recent poll suggests that 40% of Canadians believe that police treat Black, indigenous and persons of colour unfairly. For decades, police services and policy-makers have deflected concerns over racial bias, and have failed to conduct the appropriate research and reforms that are necessary. There is a vital opportunity now to demonstrate that you're listening to Canadians in general, and members of the Black community in particular.
As a researcher I argue that we need more transparency from police services in order to document racism and evaluate the impact of anti-racism initiatives. We require improved race-based data collection, access and dissemination. We also require a commitment to work with researchers, including researchers of colour, who are willing to make critical inquiries into law enforcement practices. We can no longer rely on researchers who just give police the answers they are looking for.
I want to end with a quote from a participant in my study, who stated:
Not every officer is bad but as an institution the police gives those with biases the space and a platform to target people within those groups and without recourse.
I find this quote powerful, because as a Black member of Canadian society these issues do impact my sense of safety and well-being.
I thank the committee.
5:15 p.m.
Liberal
The Chair Liberal John McKay
Thank you.
Vice-President Sharpe, you have seven minutes, which I assume you will split with your researcher, Madam Michaels.
5:15 p.m.
Gerri Sharpe Vice-President, Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada
Madam Michaels will be supporting me during the question period of this presentation.
Qujannamiik, Mr. Chair.
Ublaahatkut, members of Parliament, chair, co-chairs, guests and staff.
My name is Gerri Sharpe and I am the vice-president of Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada. I am pleased to be here with you today on behalf of our president, Rebecca Kudloo.
Most of the Inuit population live in 51 communities spread across four regions of Inuit Nunangat: Nunavut, Nunavik, Inuvialuit, and Nunatsiavut.
Violence is a leading cause of mortality among Inuit women, at a rate of 14 times the national average.
In Inuit Nunangat, policing is the responsibility of the Royal Canadian Mounted Police, except in Nunavik, which has been policed by the Kativik Regional Police Force since 1996.
Official statements by the RCMP and the KRPF state that policing is carried out in a manner that provides justice and the safety and security of all citizens.
A number of elements call into question whether policing in Inuit Nunangat is successful in protecting women. Some concerns include staffing shortages and the short duration of RCMP postings, a lack of experience of officers regarding the population and the lack of cultural competencies, language barriers, lack of Inuit police officers, lack of resources and underfunding, and lack of wraparound services.
How did we get here?
In just a few decades, we underwent a profound transformation in our lives and livelihood, transformation that was organized by colonial forces outside of our control. The RCMP played a key role in these operations. They relocated us from permanent settlements to permanent settlements, transported Inuit children to residential schools and slaughtered Inuit sled dogs.
Simply put, in Inuit Nunangat, policing is a structure built on systematic racism. This is a culture with deeply held views resulting in failed responses to the violence that Inuit women and girls experience.
Inuit communities have an inclusive culture, but policing has another, built on colonialism.
In January 2020, Pauktuutit released a report entitled “Addressing Gendered Violence against Inuit Women: A review of police policies and practices in Inuit Nunangat”. It revealed some fundamental issues that all lead to normalization of gendered violence against Inuit women. Police encounter significant challenges in carrying out their roles, including working in a high-risk, violent situation with a lack of referral resources to support those who need to escape domestic violence. The lack of investment in Inuit-led social services, health services and general infrastructure such as housing and shelters has also created an extra burden of responsibility on law enforcement. Individual officers can, and do, make a huge difference. We've heard positive stories from encounters with police, but the overall picture that has emerged from our report points to a largely flawed policing model.
Officers are poorly integrated into the community and therefore are not seen as trustworthy. They hold a limited understanding of the history of Inuit communities and the root causes of problems, especially regarding drug and alcohol use and domestic violence.
As a police officer emphasized, communication is fundamental in policing, yet fewer than five of the 150 RCMP officers in Nunavut are fluent in Inuktitut. The dispatch system does not offer Inuktitut-speaking staff. The language disconnect sets up quite for a barrier for Inuit women when they report gendered violence. This fact alone hinders the trust in policing.
Our report also finds that several women needing protection from violence are removed from their homes—instead of the abusers. This is a further injustice they experience that creates further trauma. Court-imposed sanctions are not being properly monitored, which results in mistrust and puts women in harm's way.
Racialized policing persists with Inuit women's encounters. You may recall this summer's explosive investigation by CBC into the conduct of the RCMP serving Nunavut's 25 communities. The investigation revealed shocking details of more than 30 cases of alleged RCMP misconduct, abuse and inhumane treatment of Inuit, especially women.
We are calling for a fundamental shift in how northern policing is carried out. Our report details 15 recommendations. The following are highlights: cultural competency training, with training on Inuit history and culture as well as local Inuktitut dialect; female officers, with one female officer present, if not leading, the statement-gathering process; Inuit advisory committees composed of elders, community leaders and cultural facilitators to ensure that police practices and procedures are integrating Inuit Qaujimajatuqangit principles; trauma-informed policing, with trauma training relevant to the historical and present-day experience of Inuit to de-escalate situations and build positive relationships; on the duration of postings, revisiting the RCMP policy of two-year postings in favour of longer postings; gender-based violence training, delivered at least in part by victim advocates and to include Inuit survivors of domestic violence; Inuit civilian positions that employ Inuit at each police department, such as interpreters, natural healers and community patrols or peacekeepers—
5:20 p.m.
Liberal
The Chair Liberal John McKay
Vice-President Sharpe, could you wind it up? We're past our seven minutes. I'm sorry about that.
5:20 p.m.
Vice-President, Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada
No problem.
My last point is about police accessibility. We need urgent funding to provide that Inuktitut speakers are available to answer emergency 24-7 access across Inuit Nunangat.
We know that a whole lot more needs to be done. Every Inuk woman and girl deserves to live free of violence.
Qujannamiik. I look forward to your questions.
5:20 p.m.
Liberal
The Chair Liberal John McKay
Thank you.
We will now turn to the round of questions.
Mr. Motz, you are first up. You have six minutes, please.
5:20 p.m.
Conservative
Glen Motz Conservative Medicine Hat—Cardston—Warner, AB
Thank you, Chair.
Thank you very much, Dr. Samuels-Wortley, Ms. Sharpe and Ms. Michaels, for your testimony today.
I'll get to my questions quickly, because the chair always cuts me off early.
Dr. Samuels-Wortley, you have suggested that community policing is a common approach to improving relations with police in a community. But sometimes that just means you get more police who are not engaging, and then you're over-policing a community. It appears to be more over-policing than actually making the difference you want. How would you improve their presence in a community without creating that atmosphere of over-policing?
5:20 p.m.
Assistant Professor, Carleton University, As an Individual
Certainly I appreciate that question, and I do agree with you on the fact that community policing seems to be a positive aspect of policing that can help bridge positive relationships with the community. It was specifically brought up by the youth I interviewed that the problem is that they're well aware of the particular officers who have been hired to do that job. Often there's a call for additional officers or additional training, but they all don't follow a community-based approach. I think the problem is that the idea that more officers need to be on the street gives the impression that it's simply more enforcement.
I think essentially where we need to begin is right from the beginning, where training begins. There needs to be a community-based approach in the way that any police officer interacts with the community. It isn't simply racialized communities they need to focus on in building a community relationship; it needs to be how they interact with all individual they are meant to serve.
5:25 p.m.
Conservative
Glen Motz Conservative Medicine Hat—Cardston—Warner, AB
Thank you very much.
I'll try to get in another question for you, professor, and then I have another couple for the other ladies, if I could, just quickly.
You indicated in an article back in June your support for a move away from contract policing and a focus on national policing services. In a minute or less, can you provide in more detail why you think the RCMP should be removed from contract policing and what ongoing role you think they should play in our national policing services?
5:25 p.m.
Assistant Professor, Carleton University, As an Individual
Certainly. I appreciate that question and will do my best to answer that within a minute.
The reason I answer to that is because I recognize that all communities are different. As my fellow attendees have indicated themselves, when you're dealing with particular communities, they have their different issues and different concerns that need to be dealt with. That's why I do believe that the RCMP is not best suited to policing areas about which it might not be well-informed as to the particular areas of concerns that are applicable to that community on the whole. As a result, I think it is best if we start incorporating police services that are more attuned to the issues within that particular community.
5:25 p.m.
Conservative
Glen Motz Conservative Medicine Hat—Cardston—Warner, AB
Thank you very much. That was a very succinct answer for what could have been a days-long response, I'm sure. I appreciate it.
Ms. Sharpe or Ms. Michaels, there is a report entitled “Addressing Gendered Violence against Inuit Women: A review of police policies and practices in Inuit Nunangat”. It was authored by your organization and a Dr. Comack. There are a number of recommendations that came out of that particular report, and the recommendations have provided improvements to policing services in Inuit communities.
Are there any recommendations in that report that you feel should be prioritized immediately? I know that one of your organization's chairs met with Commissioner Lucki recently about it. Is there anything there about which you're saying, “This is critical. We need this recommendation looked after ASAP”?
5:25 p.m.
Vice-President, Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada
There are a few recommendations that I would say need to be acted upon urgently.
In my view, it is of the utmost importance that the length of the RCMP posting in the communities be reviewed. In order for the members to be integrated into the community, they need to be present. They need to be seen. They need to participate in the community. No sooner does that happen then they are removed from the community after two years. It is wonderful when the officers are seen in the community, partaking in things like jamborees or playing basketball or hockey. They become part of the community, and they become trusted. No sooner does this happen then they're removed to another community, and it starts all over again. That trust needs to be there. They need to be seen as part of the community.
One thing about Inuit communities that is much different from the south is that our communities are holistic. The whole community operates together. I often tell people that what happens in Inuvik or what happens in Iqaluit will affect what happens here in Yellowknife. It's fact because this is how families operate. This is how communities operate. It's all encompassing.
I'm going to ask Samantha if there's anything that I've missed because I'm sure that there is.
November 16th, 2020 / 5:25 p.m.
Samantha Michaels Senior Research and Policy Advisor, Pauktuutit Inuit Women of Canada
Thank you so much for that, Vice-President Sharpe.
I would also say that one very tangible recommendation is that more funding must be made available immediately to address the lack of formalized and local dispatch services. We're talking about how if someone's calling from one of the five communities in Nunatsiavut after hours, that call is being sent to dispatch in St. John's. The time that it takes to get an officer to the home could be the difference between life or death for a woman, especially in situations of gender-based violence.
