Mr. Speaker, I apologize. Put it down to my lack of experience. I thought you were going to call me at the beginning. I promise I will be there next time.
Today it is my privilege to speak in the debate on third reading of the bill to implement the agreement establishing the World Trade Organization or GATT.
This debate follows the defeat of two motions to amend the bill that were presented by two of my Bloc Quebecois colleagues, the hon. member for Laval East and the hon. member for Longueuil.
The purpose of the first motion, standing in the name of the hon. member for Laval East, was to establish a process for consultation with the provinces when implementation of the agreement relates to a matter within provincial jurisdiction, any matter relating to trade dispute resolution or any economic matter of major international significance. The motion also intended to make prior agreement of the provinces essential before authorizing any change to the agreement in respect of allocation mechanisms for tariff quotas and before establishing or implementing policies for selecting trade partners to receive access to the Canadian market.
According to the same motion, with respect to subsidized exports, the minister shall have regard at all times to actions taken in the relevant areas by foreign competitors. Finally, in respect of agricultural products imported beyond established tariff quotas at a time of shortage of such product in domestic markets, the minister shall take certain measures to ensure that such products are not imported at prices lower than those prevailing in domestic markets.
The second motion, presented by the hon. member for Longueuil, reflected the spirit of transparency and accountability by which we should all be guided today. We hoped to amend the bill to make it incumbent on the Minister of International Trade to lay each year before the House of Commons a report taking into account the priorities identified by the committee of the House of Commons that normally considers matters relating to external affairs. Such matters would concern the implementation of the agreement in Canada, trade obligations and commitments undertaken at the international level by trading partners of major importance to Canada, especially the United States, and finally, the impact of the agreement on Canadian workers and companies.
Unfortunately for the provinces, for the public, for taxpayers and for democracy, both motions were rejected by the Liberal government's silent majority. The bill would have been improved as a result of these two amendments. However, we can conclude from this exercise, whether we are talking about these motions or all the others, that the federal government is not at all in the mood for a real debate on the question, a debate in all serenity, a consultation that would enhance the bill before the House today. All the government wants is to see that this agreement, whose bulk is as impressive as its consequences for our economy, is bulldozed through the House at record speed.
Some people here have a good memory and will remember that parliamentary indiscretion, that breach of good government practices. We will remember how this very fundamental legislation was passed in dreadful conditions. If this bill seems to be an incidental measure, a legislative adjustment to the agreement signed by Canada in Marrakesh on April 15, 1994, the details of that agreement will have impacts which are yet largely unknown.
Perhaps even specialists in the field are still not aware of those impacts. The simple fact that they will not consult with the people who experience the market economy, that they will not listen to their representatives, that they will not listen to common sense and that they only deal in figures and macroeconomic data shows that the government is intentionally eliminating this information and, in so doing, could very well worsen the financial crisis in this country. The government is not assuming its responsibilities by passing this Bill C-57 so quickly.
My colleagues have explained it clearly. Quebec is in favour of free trade and international trade agreements. As the hon. member for Rosemont so rightly said, this is even a very elegant way of confirming the sovereignty of signatory countries while ensuring their association in this globalization of markets and economies. A sovereign Quebec would easily be recognized by
the World Trade Organization according to section XVI(5)c) of the GATT. This would lead to a definite trade association with all other member countries, including Canada.
I am not an expert in this very complex area of international trade. However, I do know that it is advantageous for all nations of the world to agree in order to set a level playing field for the relations between their respective markets, in a spirit of mutual respect. As Gilles Vigneault once said, the complexity of international trade is seven times greater than the mystery of the Holy Trinity. Ordinary people have a very hard time understanding the issue. That is why I feel I should explain the impact of the implementation of the agreement establishing the World Trade Organization with a very concrete and down-to-earth example, the marketing of chicken.
Canada signed both the Free Trade Agreement with the United States and the North American Free Trade Agreement, the NAFTA. Article 706 of the Free Trade Agreement says that if Canada maintains or introduces quantitative import restrictions on chicken products, it will have to allow import quotas equivalent to no less than 7.5 per cent of the previous year's domestic production. The provisions of NAFTA are much the same.
For 1994, the import quota for chicken is 46,488,000 kilograms. This is the maximum nationwide, and within this limit an importer can apply for chicken import permits. This quota seems quite sufficient for this year, since import permits granted up to October 25 represented only 76 per cent of the total quota.
Uruguay Round negotiations have replaced the quota system by a tariff system for agricultural products. This was a way to apply Article XI of GATT. Under this agreement, Canada submitted to GATT, on December 15, 1993, the list of tariffs which will replace the present quotas. According to this schedule, imports of chicken over and above the quotas accepted under free trade agreements will be allowed, but subject to duties amounting to 280 per cent of their value, a tariff high enough to protect Canada and Quebec producers for a number of years.
According to the agreement these tariffs must come down by at least 15 per cent over the next six years. It is, therefore, a new protection system. The previous quota system which restricted imports to 7.5 per cent of domestic production is now replaced by a tariff system.
This new formula still recognizes the notion of quotas, but any import above the quota will be subject to duties amounting to 280 per cent of the value. It is quite likely that this new tariff quota system will be in place by January.
Chicken will remain on the list of controlled imports established under the Export and Import Permits Act, so that all imports will require a permit. The way our domestic market protection system is evolving, in a paradoxical free trade context, is causing a certain amount of friction with our great neighbour. The United States claim that, by imposing new tariffs on bilateral trade, Canada directly contravenes its obligations under NAFTA. A strict interpretation of article 302 of this agreement shows that Canada must abolish all tariffs aimed at the United States by the end of 1998, and that no new tariff can be introduced by either partner. If that were the case, chicken production would no longer be protected.
For its part, Canada is of the opinion that GATT must prevail over NAFTA. Indeed, article 309 of NAFTA recognizes Canada's right to cite article XI of the GATT or any measures that might replace it, to protect its agricultural industry. This debate is still to come.
As far as the chicken market is concerned, we must recognize that there is no drastic change. Whereas we only had quotas per se, under this legislation we will now have quotas plus very heavy tariffs. What concerns our parliamentary wing, excuse the pun, are the provisions in case of shortages.
We do know that the demand for chicken products is increasing steadily. Be it live, eviscerated, cut up, boneless or processed chicken, these products are increasingly diversified and in high demand. While the quota may look quite high, certain sectors, such as the restaurant business, require products that can appear to be in short supply. In that regard, Bill C-57 leaves it entirely up to the minister to determine access and set the tariff accordingly for products considered in short supply.
Like the Canadian Federation of Agriculture, the Bloc Quebecois would have preferred that the minister be required to take action in case of shortage to ensure that the price of imported products is not lower that the one asked on the national market. Ministerial discretion remains a case-by-case approach that leaves the door open to favouritism, if not to circumventing standard, equal and equitable rules. Not to mention the zoning this bill does, a zoning that confirms all the disparity that exists in this beautiful country. This country is united only in its opposition to Quebec.
This creates some concern. How can we protect adequately our farming industry, all the while ensuring continuous supply by diversifying sufficiently this industry's production? That is the question a good many traders who depend on processed products are asking themselves.
The implementation of this legislation will no doubt give us a chance to get a very good idea of what is at stake over the next few months. As stated in the preamble of the bill, free, fair and open trade is essential for the future of this country's economy and for securing its competitiveness and long-term sustainable development.
Trade expansion contributes to job creation, achieves higher standards of living, offers greater choices for consumers and strengthens the economic union of nations.
A multilateral trading system of mutually agreed upon market access conditions and non-discriminatory trade rules applicable to all, is the cornerstone of any modern trade policy that is open onto the world.
The trade agreements resulting from the multilateral trade talks of the Uruguay Round will create an international trade environment much more open and stable for Canadian agriculture, resources, manufacturing, services, technology and investments. The World Trade Organization (WTO) will pave the way for integrated management of the new strengthened multilateral trade system, particularly with regard to trade dispute settlement.
As GATT's successor, the WTO will be a forum for future trade talks on the continued liberalization of global trade and the establishment of new international trade regulations. In this regard, we must bring Canadian legislation into line. That is why this bill, which amends some 31 laws now in effect, will implement the agreement establishing the World Trade Organization throughout Canada.
The future of peoples around the world depends on their economic agreements. That is why we are not worried at all about the inescapable links between the people of Newfoundland and those in Vancouver, between the people of Quebec City and those in Los Angeles, between the people of Halifax and those in Miami. The identity, the authenticity, the necessary differences that expand our horizons are not barriers but bridges between men and women of all ages and cultures.
Recognizing our differences does not mean withdrawing into ourselves but opening up to others. The legendary League of Nations is still an avenue which we must seek without denying others or ourselves. It is in this sense that international trade agreements are a concrete way of recognizing national sovereignty. You can rest assured, Mr. Speaker, that Quebec will be part of this international reality. A sovereign Quebec will be part of the global market.
In summary, the Bloc Quebecois will support this bill. Even though our amendments were rejected, even though we have some reservations, we know that the future of a people depends on its reciprocal agreements. We agree with the basic principles behind this bill. The implementation of the agreement establishing the World Trade Organization is necessary and desirable.