That is the right word for it. Scandalous it is.
In my opinion, the government had two responsibilities in a situation like this. It ought to have decided to lay all the cards on the table, which would have been the ideal situation, because we are faced with a rather peculiar situation here as far as parliamentary operations are concerned.
The present Minister of Human Resources Development, in that portfolio only since the summer of 1999, has some responsibility because she learned of the situation as early as last fall but waited until January to make it public, while parliament was not sitting, so as to keep things as quiet as possible.
We must remember her announcement was made at the same time the Minister of Industry was getting involved in hockey clubs. But between her announcement and the end of the hockey club saga, the Minister of Industry withdrew his proposal because of the hooha it raised from the public. So the grand announcement, which was meant to be hidden while parliament was not sitting and be kept as quiet as possible, moved into the limelight.
Why did it move as far into the limelight as it is today? Primarily because the public, who pays taxes and thinks it is already paying too much, did not like having its money wasted. The current Liberal government was getting hot under the collar about Emploi-Québec, which had just been set up, was beginning to operate and was established to make a success of providing proper manpower services.
We even heard the Prime Minister say, when I was in Hull as an observer at the Liberal convention, “My God, that is really embarrassing for us Quebecers”. At the same time, his department, which had been in operation for several years, is unable to account for a billion dollars. The department is faced with a situation where the number of scandalous cases uncovered by the internal audit is such that as much as $2 billion may have disappeared through programs, with no one knowing where the money went.
This is why taxpayers find this unacceptable. No one in Canada is buying the Prime Minister's claim that there are only 37 cases. Indeed, we all know that we are talking about an internal audit involving only a small sampling of overall government operations. It is important to realize that. We are stressing that point because we know people will understand it. We must take what was said and go to the bottom of the issue if we can get all the information.
This week, at the Standing Committee on Human Resources Development, we will be asking that not only the current Minister of Human Resources Development but also her predecessor appear before the committee to tell us about the period targeted by the internal audit, that is from April 1997 to June 1998, when the current minister's predecessor was in charge. He was the one responsible for that department at the time. That period also encompasses the election campaign. This is a good example of what this government attempted to do.
Yesterday morning, two rather uncomfortable deputy ministers gave a 90-munite briefing in the press lounge, to explain the status of those 37 cases. The government is acting in an irresponsible and petty way by trying to make public servants look like they are the culprits.
Let us take the example of the transitional jobs creation fund. When officials in Quebec working for the Department of Human Resources Development meet with a sponsor, they open a file, complete it, have it approved at the regional, provincial and Canadian level and the minister signs.
When a project operates this way, usually things go reasonably well, but what is now coming to light is that there is a group of projects that, instead of working their way from the bottom up, proceeded from the top down during the election period. Looking at the whole of Quebec, 54% of the projects approved in the three years between April 1996 and April 1999 received that approval in the months immediately before and after the election.
The scenario goes like this. The previous Minister of Human Resources Development who, during the election campaign, found himself being pressured, receiving telephone calls or visiting a business, told people not to worry and promised to see that things were sorted out after the election.
And we are talking about an election campaign. During that period, they were not just spreading their favours in Liberal ridings; they also went after other ridings. Fortunately, however, Quebecers do not go for this sort of bait. They resisted the temptation.
But now we are looking at a group of projects that public servants inherited on June 10, July 1 and in August, for which the minister had given his word. The word went out that the minister had given his word and that now it was up to them to produce results. Now, two years later, an internal audit reveals that no sponsor was listed for 15% of the projects. No problem; they got their money anyway.
In 70% of the files, there was no financial monitoring. No problem, they got their money anyway. Today they are trying to tell us that this is not possible, that there were just the 37 cases. No way. They did not look at just 37 cases during the election campaign; it was way more than that.
I believe that what we have here is a shocking scandal, because this was going on in the department that had launched an all-out an attack against the unemployed, one that has been going on for several years. On the one hand they were unable to manage employment programs, while on the other they knew very well what their objective for recovery was. Every Canada employment centre had an objective setting out how much had to be recovered from the unemployed.
They looked at eligibility in order to ensure that as few people as possible would be entitled to benefits. They organized things to ensure that as few as possible would receive benefits. They put on more employment insurance investigators while at the same time, at the other end of the system, there was no monitoring.
All in all, they were acting like a business and decided to focus only on increasing revenues. However, we are not dealing with a business here, but a department, the one responsible for the social function of the federal government of Canada. It is the department most responsible for sharing the wealth, and here it is being used to gain votes for the Liberal Party of Canada. This is totally unacceptable.
If that had been the only problem in the department, one might have said that there was a crisis relating to the management of those particular programs. However, over the course of the past four or five years, there was also a scandal over the use of social insurance numbers, because in Canada there were more people over the age of 100 than in the entire world with a social insurance number. It took an opinion from the auditor general; it took a unanimous report by the committee to call for a change in things, and the answer we kept getting from the predecessor of the current minister, the member for Papineau—St-Denis was “Everything is fine. There is no problem”.
That is in fact what this minister keeps saying. They have the same tape. I think the prime responsibility of the current Minister of Human Resources Development is to not have changed the machine; to have taken the recording of her predecessor and played it endlessly. I think she has a lot of responsibility in this respect.
Today we learn—and this is another incredible example—that the youth employment strategy, which served as the weapon of the minister's predecessor, the member for Papineau—St-Denis, when he was Minister of Human Resources Development, who said “See how the Government of Canada does good things”, that 33% of the money allocated produced no results. This program did not create the jobs it was supposed to create. It has not brought young people back to work as it should have done, and it is in the hot seat, like the Canada jobs fund, like the youth employment strategy and like all the other programs that were evaluated.
One of the things that has been mentioned is literacy programs. Do members think that Canada can afford to waste money? Can it afford to squander literacy funding? I think that this funding is needed to do something about the problems of our illiterate citizens.
But if the money is improperly spent and the use to which it is put unknown, I think that the desired results have not been achieved. Perhaps what is most tragic about the whole affair, when all is said and done, is that there are people who need these programs, and we have argued in favour of programs to revitalize the economy in areas of high unemployment. We have never challenged the need for such programs.
What can be challenged is when the minister directs funding to her riding for a program for which only ridings with unemployment rates of 10% and higher should qualify, when unemployment in her riding stands at 6%, and at the same time turns down funding for the Gaspé with its 22% unemployment rate. That is dishonest and unacceptable.
How did we get to this state of affairs? How did this situation come about?
Let us go to the heart of the problem. There is a Prime Minister who appoints ministers. He is the one who appointed the incompetent individual who is now the Minister for International Trade. At least he pulled him out of a department which gives out a lot of money and assigned him to the part of the job he can handle, which is public relations. But appointing him Minister of Human Resources Development was an incompetent move.
By appointing the member for Papineau—Saint-Denis Minister of Human Resources Development, the Prime Minister showed his incompetence. He went for first impressions. The Prime Minister told himself “He will make a good spokesperson. He will repeat exactly what we want for the department. He will keep saying for years that everything is fine and then, when things get too hot, when I know the results, I will move him elsewhere”.
The Prime Minister then appointed the current Minister of Human Resources Development. During the period that she has been in charge, there has been no concrete information on the situation in her department. It was only in January 2000 that she said she inherited a department that was coming out of the middle ages. The middle ages are a dark period of our history, a period when civilization did not exist, a period when people did not know how to make things work. But patronage was thriving then. This is the period to which the current minister is referring when she talks about her predecessor, the member for Papineau—Saint-Denis. He was the one in charge during that dark period, during the middle ages.
As my colleague says, we were also able to see—with the figures provided by the Bloc Quebecois on the impact of the election campaign—that this was not only a dark and black period, but very much a red period as well.
We are trying to find out who is responsible for this situation. We mentioned that the Prime Minister appointed someone who was not competent for the job, but who remained in charge of the department for several years. Then, the Prime Minister appointed another minister. We did give that minister a chance, did we not? Just last week, the Bloc Quebecois was saying “We need all the information. We will not ask for heads to roll. We will not ask for people to resign, but we will ask questions in the House”.
Yesterday I did ask a question to the minister. I asked her why, between December 1 and December 16, 1999, she continued to defend the programs here in this House, whereas she had been aware of the audit since November 17, 1999. I was expecting an honest answer, one that would say “I became aware of it and in fact—”, with an attempt to find an intelligent answer. But no, off she went again with the same old tape from the member for Papineau—Saint-Denis, the one that says that everything is fine, even if the place is burning down. The old story of “Don't worry, be happy”.
The present minister continued along the same lines, which is why I find that the motion of the Reform Party is in order. When they refer to their “lack of confidence in the Minister of Human Resources Development”, it is because she is the one who took on the burden of the situation created by her predecessor.
Had she been responsible, she would have said right from the time that the situation became known, “I am going to encourage my predecessor to come and testify; I am going to ask Mel Cappe, the deputy minister responsible for the entire Government of Canada, the top civil servant, to come and testify”. He was, after all, the deputy minister of the department the whole time that this was going on, during this whole scandal.
This is one more example of the responsibility of the Prime Minister of Canada. After appointing the member for Papineau—Saint-Denis as Minister of Human Resources Development and then, after he proved incompetent, the present minister, who is incapable of taking on her responsibilities, he also appointed Mel Cappe to the highest position in the public service. Now we know that the Government of Canada is, at the top deputy ministerial level, being managed by a person who has created a scandal in all of Canada's social programs. This is totally unacceptable.
Thus, the primary responsibility for all this lies with the Prime Minister of Canada. He appointed successive ministers incapable of doing their job; he took advantage of their inconsistency to create the transitional jobs fund in order to get himself and his Liberal colleagues re-elected. He tried to dump all the responsibility onto the public servants. This whole attitude of disregard for democracy, which means making things known so that there may be transparency in order to allow people to make the proper choices, leads us to vote in favour of the motion. The primary responsibility for this scandal lies with the present Prime Minister of Canada.