Mr. Speaker, I have noticed that Beethoven's seventh symphony, the second movement, makes sense to even the most untrained ear. It juxtaposes restraint with passion in its cadence. It is both regimented and whimsied. It is patient and aggressive. It is elegant and it is rough. It is beauty, it is art, and it is the perfect balance. It is everything that we are capable of.
We wrote Anna Karenina, we have put men on the moon, we have discovered antibiotics, and we found the Higgs boson. We are beauty and we are art. Yet, we repeat the well-documented failures of our past.
As I stood at the Temple Mount last year, what was first and foremost on my mind was not God's peace but how many lives had been sacrificed over the history of our species in the name of tribalism, religion, and hate. As I stood on the Syrian border, and then looked into the haunted eyes of Nadia Murad while she described her week to me, my western naïveté that those who kill in the name of religion can be reasoned with or appeased was violently stripped from me.
Here we are today, in the legislative chamber of one of the world's most wealthy, most democratic, most capitalist countries; two generations removed from open global conflict; many more generations removed from sustained open conflict within our own borders; many innovations, works of art, and billions of dollars of created wealth later; and we find ourselves debating us versus them.
It is facile for us to believe that there are not others on this planet who disagree with our way of life. There are those who hold views so extreme that they kill in the name of their God. They rape in the name of their God. They subjugate and bring terror in the name of their God. No religion and no nation is immune to this. These people live within our borders and without. They are Muslim and they are Christian. They are Sikh and they are Hindu.
Yet there are those who seek to bring light and beauty to the world. They seek to bring peace, prosperity, and tolerance. Every religion and every nation has these people. They are Muslim and they are Christian. They are Sikh and they are Hindu.
Good, courage, innovation, creativity, tolerance, love, light, and hope know no boundaries; nor do evil, hate, subjugation, intolerance, decadence, and violence.
What are we to do, we who value equality of opportunity; we who have created art and beauty, Ebola vaccines, and nanotechnology; we who value hope and the greater good; we who value knowledge; we who value love; we as Canadians?
My entreaty to my colleagues tonight is this: that we reject facile arguments designed to sell products and people, and in doing so, value logic and compassion as we set about our legislative responsibilities in the matter of immigration policy to Canada.
I am fairly sure nobody in this place is going to be pleased with me for this speech tonight.
To respond to the immigration policies of other nations, we must first get our own house in order, and then through those actions show the world what immigration policy best practice looks like. If we are to have any influence on international immigration policy, we must refute through action the emerging international norm of immigration debate becoming firmly entrenched in two polarized positions.
The first school of thought believes that there should be little debate around how many humanitarian immigrants we should receive in light of one of the world's more severe migrant crises in recent history. If this belief is questioned, allegations of racism are frequently levelled.
The second camp believes that we should slam the doors shut, that they are stealing our jobs and costing us too much in government programming, that they are all terrorists, and that they are different from us, and to think otherwise means one is a bleeding heart socialist.
Both of these positions are puerile.
To those who subscribe to the first school of thought, Canadians openly accept immigration to our country with two caveats, the first being that our immigration system is sound. Canadians expect our system of checks and balances to be rigorous and to ensure that those who would harm our country or try to enter it under false pretense are not allowed entrance. In this, the Liberal government's decision to lift our visa restriction on Mexico without the completion of a formal review that ensures proper processes are in place to prevent high levels of bogus refugee claims was poor policy.
Questioning if our immigration processes are adequately functional does not make someone a racist, nor does it mean that we do not want a positive relationship with a country such as Mexico. It reflects the fact that, prior to the visa restriction being imposed, Canada saw thousands of false refugee claims from this country and had security concerns regarding Mexican nationals seeking entrance to Canada.
A formal review would ask for our immigration officials to work with their Mexican counterparts to put processes in place to stop this from happening. It is a positive process, but it takes time. Instead, this government bowed to pressure from various industrial lobbies and lifted the visa. It claimed that increases in Mexican tourism to Canada and trade restrictions that Mexicans would lift in return would outweigh the cost of processing and deporting thousands of false refugee claimants.
Indeed, a notice from immigration officials in the Canada Gazette in late 2016 shows that, even after these anticipated economic benefits, the cost to the Canadian taxpayers for this decision would be upward of a quarter of a billion dollars. This does not instill confidence in our immigration system.
Similarly, when the Liberal government mused about performing security and health vetting on 25,000 Syrian refugees after they arrived in Canada as opposed to before, we voiced opposition. This is because deporting people after they have claimed refugee status in Canada is a difficult and costly process. This decision would have been unsafe and it eroded public confidence in our immigration system. As it stood, even so, this process was reviewed by an American Senate committee. Questioning security screening processes is not racist, and it does not mean Canada does not want to help. It is a sign of prudence and respect for Canadians.
The second caveat for Canadians to accept immigration is that they expect new immigrants to Canada to embrace our pluralism and integrate into our economic and social fabric. This means ensuring there is adequate government programming for refugees to learn skills, like being able to speak one of our official languages, so they do not become isolated and are able to obtain employment. These services cost money and take time to establish, so the government has a responsibility to be transparent to Canadians about these costs and to accordingly set out immigration levels.
This is why the government is required to table a report to Parliament every year that outlines the number of immigrants it wants to bring in under both the humanitarian and economic classes. The Liberal government changed the ratio of economic to humanitarian refugees from roughly 70:30 to 50:50. It is not racist of me, after hearing from out-of-work people in my constituency, as well as recent refugees who cannot access language training programs, to ask how the government is going to pay for dramatically increased levels of integration programming support.
The Liberal government has provided exactly zero public plans on how it plans to help 25,000 Syrian refugees integrate into our economy. Many of these refugees have not found employment. There is no budget for social assistance payments for those who find themselves unemployed after their one-year public transition funding runs out. There have been no increased payments to school boards to deal with the special needs of many of these refugee students. Refugees are relying on food banks. Why is this?
Asking these questions does not mean that Canada is not compassionate. It is exactly the opposite. Transparent plans and budgets for these issues are what give refugees the tools to be successful in Canada and in turn give social licence for allowing in more refugees in the future. The Liberals, in their hurry to fill a quota, have failed in much of this.
Also, we should question how we prioritize refugees and whether we should do that based on vulnerability. Canada cannot sustain an unlimited number of refugees, so we have to set caps and prioritize who we let in. It is not racist to acknowledge that people are refugees because of religious persecution, and while refugee situations imply that entire populations are at risk, there are subsets that are more vulnerable than others. This is why the Liberal government and the United Nations have abjectly failed refugees from persecuted minority groups in Syria and Iraq, many of whom are genocide victims. Yazidis, Christians, minority Muslim groups, and LGBTI have all suffered atrocities at the hands of extremists from the religious majority in the region. Indeed, the entire population in the region is at risk and is suffering. However, the fact remains that there are groups that cannot exist in refugee camps because they will be killed because of their religious beliefs.
Late last year, two senior UNHCR officials sat in my office and told me that one of the reasons that, out of 25,000 refugees, zero Yazidis had been referred to Canada was that because of the time constraints placed on them by the Liberal government it was easier to simply pull numbers from the religious majority located in refugee camps rather than to actively search out genocide victims.
Moreover, the Liberal Party used a game of one-upmanship in the last campaign, in terms of numbers of how many Syrian refugees would come into the country, to whip up whispered claims of racism on the part of our party. The quiet argument was made that we hate Muslim refugees because our immigration minister asked for an audit of how many persecuted ethnic and religious minority groups had been referred to Canada as government sponsored refugees by the United Nations.
While we did this, thousands of Yazidi women were being raped dozens of times a day by dozens of men all in the name of God. While we did this, genocide was occurring. While we did this, we forgot compassion in the name of bureaucratic simplicity and political gain. For shame on all of us.
We are all to be shamed because this brings me to the second polarized school of thought. As much as religion should not be excluded from the criteria for prioritization of refugees, if we are the enlightened society we purport to be, we should not preclude someone from entering our country solely on the grounds of his or her religious belief or country of origin. For eons we have been killing each other based on religion. In Canada, our pluralism is sustained by laws which separate church and state and harshly punish murder, rape, hate speech, and other actions which are often carried out in the name of one god or another.
I am a Christian. My closest friends are Jewish, Sikh, and Muslim. We talk about the fact that there are extremists in all of our faiths, for example, those who believe in creating inequality for and persecuting LGBT and women. In Canada, our freedom of religion allows us to believe whatever we want, but it does not afford us the right to act on those beliefs if they are criminal. Therefore, in that, completely shutting our doors to new immigrants is wrong.
Should we have an open and transparent debate about how many newcomers we welcome to Canada and under what circumstances they enter? Yes. Should we ensure that we are transparent in the costing and availability of integration programming in the context of the strength of our economy? Yes. Should we ensure that our security screening processes for entering Canada are vigorous and strong? Yes. Should we vigorously enforce our laws to ensure that crimes committed in the name of religion are harshly punished? Yes.
Should we ask why the Liberal government has shifted the responsibility from the privately sponsored refugee program solely onto the taxpayer-sponsored program this year and demand them to change that decision? Yes. Will shutting the doors to immigrants ensure that all religious hate crime in Canada stops and that all Canadians suddenly have jobs overnight? No.
The date on my grandmother's record of passage from Slovakia is May 1938. She found safe haven in Canada as a migrant during one of modern history's largest migrant crises. This is top of mind as I speak in this House today, two short generations later, as Canada's official opposition shadow minister for immigration.
Some of our greatest shames in our nation's history occurred when we failed to show compassion to those in need. The MS St. Louis and the Komagata Maru come to mind. Canada is a nation filled with those who have been persecuted and have worked to build a country that is a beacon of light in the capacity of humanity to do what is good, just, and beautiful. Completely shutting our doors to people based on their religion is the antithesis of this.
Many owners of job-creating companies, investors, innovators, and artists are newcomers to Canada. Closing our doors to those people with the thought that it will lower unemployment levels is a fallacy.
During the last election campaign, my party announced a policy that would create a tip line to report “barbaric cultural practices”. If we were truly concerned about the rights of women in the situations that this tip line was purportedly designed to prevent, then why did we present it wrapped in an us-versus-them message? Why would we cave to the allure of the same dog whistle politics that everyone else was and in doing so make things worse for the isolated, and inflaming and normalizing allegations of racism?
Today, there are those who purport to share my party affiliation that blur the discussion of fair criticism of the integration of our immigration system by politicizing a mass murder at a mosque and presenting undefined policy that could be interpreted that entry into Canada is dependent upon one's willingness to take a bite of a ham sandwich. Is this better than the Prime Minister's tweet stating that Canada is open to refugees, after steadfastly refusing to protect victims of genocide through military intervention or, at a minimum, prioritizing the resettlement of genocide victims? No. We are all complicit.
Reading and watching the western world's response to the atrocities that have occurred in Syria have confirmed serious broad systemic failures that make me question if “never again” is really anything more than a platitude. Do we actually have the capacity to respond to the breakdown of humanity and under what circumstances do we care if it does?
On this front, contemporary students of history often “tsk tsk” when confronted with times when the ruling class became grossly disconnected with the proletariat. Broadly speaking, modern westerners are smug that this let-them-eat-cake style decadence could not befall us. Yet our system of capitalism and democratic institutions have given way to global prosperity and sustained peace. Two generations removed from global conflict, this is today's foolish immutable certainty.
After this year, I wonder if this has grown into an entitlement.
With increasing frequency, we let our values become someone else's problem, if we care at all. Nobody wants to do that job? No worries, there is a temporary foreign worker for that. Want to shut down extractive industries in Canada but enjoy the same quality of opportunity? Those with dirty jobs can just transition into something else. In the meantime, the government will borrow and spend to keep us afloat and we can depend on it instead of ourselves. After all, it is cheap to borrow money right now, is it not? Besides, we can always cut military spending because peace comes without cost and war does not happen to us.
There has been perhaps no greater indictment of the rise of western decadence than our response to the Syrian conflict. Between trying to appease unappeasable foes, the woeful response to the migrant crisis—racist versus socialist instead of searching for pragmatism—and explaining away the issue as a quagmire that we should not get involved in or that we were the ones that caused the problem, so let us just stay out of it and hope that fixes it, in the last five years, hundreds of thousands of humans have been slaughtered and displaced. Women's rights, minority rights, and human rights in general have been violated. Genocide has occurred. It has also become taboo to question the efficacy of the institutions that we have put in place to prevent these things.
The UN has been toothless in its approach to many things, but its failure to Syrians and the Yazidi genocide victims should light the world on fire in terms of its desire to see its functionality changed. Instead, its actors are fiddling with the politics of who gets a seat on the Security Council while Aleppo burns.
With great irony, this has all happened while we have become globally interconnected. Aleppo is no longer somewhere else; it is live on our Twitter feed. Yet, we treat these images, videos of slaughter of our fellow humans, as akin to some sort of third player video game, that is, if we bother to consider them at all.
The reality is that the west does not have the luxury of assuming that the crisis in Syria does not affect us. It has shown us, and those who do not share the institutions of democracy and free markets that sustain our peace, that we have forgotten that power is taken, not given.
Across governments and political flavour, we now believe that we are entitled to our peace. We also believe that our western brand of blind ideological extremism can solve problems when it has mostly gridlocked us into an echo chamber. This translates into foreign policy that has a key objective of being unobjectionable and utilizes the assumption that religious extremists and rogue despots can be bought or appeased into submission.
Moreover, it has shown the world that we cannot be bothered when humanity and civilization completely disintegrate, because hey, it is not happening to us.
If we do not find a way to challenge the status quo of polarized political dogma, our selective antipathy to the human condition and the abject failure of our western political institutions to prevent atrocities, future generations will likely be “tsk tsking” us, too. That assumes that in our selfish decadence we have left them any sort of society that has the capacity to do so.
Each of us needs to be ashamed of how our political motivations, our selfishness, our decadence, and our political gamesmanship has led us to this place of polarized debate that we are today.
Our only redemption can be found in an ask for forgiveness and an understanding that global peace comes with a cost that is not just borne by our military. As much as we may seek to fling our doors wide open to refugees, we cannot ignore the threat of those who seek to destroy our way of life, and we cannot turn a blind eye when it comes to protecting those in regions who share our ideals from annihilation. This comes with initiatives that create global economic prosperity and sustainability, the costs of which are borne by those of us who find ourselves with the fortune of living in countries of great pluralism.
How can Canada be a leader in pluralism policy best practice? Let us ensure that the debate within our own nation pulls beyond two unproductive polarized fallacies, protects the safety of Canadians, grows our economy, and shows the compassion of our people. Let us support free trade and support those who support the rights of the marginalized and refugees around the world.
If we cannot do better and we only seek to politicize situations of great gravity, then we are doomed to repeat the sins of our past.
In closing, I hope that none of us here will resign ourselves to be complicit. Instead, let us find guidance in our capacity to create beauty and art. In doing so, we advance our cause forward because of our humanity, not because of our political stripe.