Thank you, Mr. Chair.
I too want to wish everyone Eid Moubarak.
I'm pleased to be here before the committee today.
I'll make some brief introductory comments, and then my colleagues and I will happily answer your questions.
On the 68th day of Russia's invasion of Ukraine, we are still witnessing an enormous amount of human suffering, destruction of cities and infrastructures, widespread sexual violence being used as a weapon of terror, indiscriminate bombing of civilian areas, forced displacements and in some instances, as in Bucha, what appears to be the deliberate massacre of civilians.
This is President Putin's war, a war he wanted and planned, and which he is continuing to pursue against a peaceful and democratic country.
Putin's actions are an attack against the rule-based international order. They have shaken Euro-Atlantic security and represent the most serious threat to Europe in decades.
The consequences of President Putin's careless actions go beyond Ukraine and Europe's borders. Russia is challenging the principles of state sovereignty and territorial integrity, and the sovereign equality of states. And yet these principles are the very foundation of our international order.
The invasion has also injected a new level of uncertainty into the world trade system, at the very moment it was just beginning to emerge from the COVID‑19 pandemic. The war has led directly to an increase in the price of food and energy. Food and energy security have accordingly been seriously upset around the world. Developing countries that are highly dependent on Ukraine's agricultural output are particularly hard hit.
Russia's initial plan, a rapid military operation aimed at regime change, has failed. Russia overestimated the capacity of its own armed forces and underestimated the determination and professionalism of the Ukrainian armed forces, not to mention the heroism of the Ukrainian people. Russia is now focusing on the Donbas region, where most of its forces are now concentrated.
In this second phase of the war, the Ukrainian armed forces are still doing relatively well, but the war of attrition is likely to drag on.
NATO allies and partners have responded in three critical ways. First, individual allies and partners have supported Ukraine with substantial amounts of military assistance. The solidarity of allies and partners has been remarkable.
The first phase of assistance focused on providing Ukrainians with light weapons and Soviet-era heavy systems they could quickly integrate and deploy to the battlefield. Individual allies such as the Baltic countries, Poland and Slovakia transferred significant amounts of their legacy Soviet systems, but the Soviet-era stocks are dwindling. Individual allies and partners are now transitioning towards providing western heavy weaponry, on which Ukrainians will have to be trained. This is a complex operation in which Canada is very much a participant. Last week's conference in Ramstein, Germany, of more than 40 allies and partners demonstrated a collective willingness to ensure that we succeed in supporting Ukraine in the exercise of its right to self-defence in the face of Russian aggression, as provided for under the United Nations charter.
Second, NATO, as a defensive alliance, has reinforced its eastern flank to ensure that the conflict does not spread to allied territory.
Allies, including Canada, deployed additional troops, and NATO activated its graduated response plans. Four new multinational forward presence battle groups were established, in Bulgaria, Hungary, Romania and Slovakia. As we speak, there are now more than 40,000 military personnel under direct NATO command on the eastern flank and allies have over 100 ships and over 100 aircraft patrolling the skies and seas of Europe.
At the Madrid summit in June, NATO leaders will update NATO's capstone strategic concept and will adjust NATO's longer-term force posture over the medium and long term to respond to a fundamentally changed security environment in Europe.
Third, individual allies and partners and the European Union have responded with unprecedentedly robust and far-reaching sanctions, which were tightly coordinated, including through the G7. Again, the solidarity amongst like-minded has been remarkable.
NATO and EU countries were joined by partners such as Australia, Japan, the Republic of Korea and Switzerland. One of the objectives of sanctions has been to degrade Russia's military capabilities by cutting access of its defence sector to western technology.
The war has led many countries to re-evaluate their security environment, including Finland and Sweden, which are key partners of NATO. Application for NATO membership is a sovereign decision and we fully respect every country's right to decide its own security arrangements, which of course applies equally to Finland and Sweden. Canada has always been a champion of NATO's open-door policy and will continue to support that open door despite Russia's threats. Prime Minister Trudeau has stated that Canada would support Finland and Sweden, should they choose to apply to join NATO.
In the meantime, Canada continues to engage the broader international community to uphold global norms, to condemn Russia's aggression, and to maintain pressure on President Putin.
We will continue to work with our NATO allies, with the EU, within the G7, the OSCE, the UN and other international fora, and bilaterally to support Ukraine as it fights for its independence and for democracy and freedom.
Thank you.
