To be serious, this is a report, by the same group, the same committee, on the same subject matter, at least in terms of the rules for election, rules for making laws.... They're all about rules that we collectively work under that are not meant to be partisan. If they are partisan in some way, something has gone wrong, because they're meant to be fair to everybody.
All Mr. Reid—I'm going to put words into his mouth—wanted to achieve with his motion, to the best of my knowledge, was to reaffirm what we'd already done. Nothing radical, nothing new, nothing undemocratic—just reaffirm the process that made us proud to table the 11th report dealing with exactly these issues. You even have your favourite words in there “modern” and “efficient”.
We used the same process for the 23rd report, which, by the way, is a report that we are still seized of and a process that we are still in the middle of. Somewhere in one of the layers of the onion, once you get past all the other stuff, somewhere in there you will find that our prima facie purpose right now is this report, because, whether the government is thinking about that or not—and it looks as though maybe they're thinking about it too much—October 19, 2019 is coming. We would like to see some improvements that the Chief Electoral Officer has identified. And make no bones about it: there is great common cause between me and the Liberal benches in terms of some of the stuff that came from Bill C-23. We feel we have to get the heck out of there, and the only way it can get done is by having timely reports go to the government, to the minister responsible, who generates legislation, who brings it to the House that gives the orders to the Chief Electoral Officer about how the next election will be conducted and under what rule. I still consider it important. I consider this kind of an aberration. I'll be glad when this is done.
Yes, I like to talk. Everybody knows that. I make as much fun with this process as I can just because that's what I do. But I have to tell you, I'd much prefer to get back to work. It's a lot more satisfying. The fun of this kind of wears off after hour three, hour four, or hour five. Back in the last Parliament, I went to hour eleven. That's not nearly as much fun as having a stimulating discussion with Mr. Badawey about how we ought to conduct ourselves, the relationship between passing laws here and representing Canadians in a G7 country, and also focusing on our ridings, which is the raison d'être at the end of the day for all of us. At the end of the day, the absolute top priority is always our constituents.
I want to have that discussion. I think there are maybe some new ideas about what we could or couldn't do with a Friday. Certainly Madam May came up with some new ideas, just fresh thinking, a different way to look at things.
I want to underscore again, and I don't expect you to respond, and I say this rhetorically, Mr. Badawey. I ask how you would feel about engaging in the discussion you were just having that you enjoyed so much if you knew at the end of the day that, whether I agree with you or not, I could make you eat and live with what I wanted. At some point it's not even as much convincing as it is ordering. That takes away, and here's the thing I want to say. By having that sword of Damocles hanging over us all the time.... Mr. Doherty focuses on the word “trust”, and he's absolutely right, because that is what this is about, trusting each other. You leave that in place, and the dynamic that Mr. Badawey enjoyed, I suggest, vaporizes. I'm going to take that differently from the government when it starts to get a full head of steam and starts arguing its point.
In the back of my mind, I'm not spending as much time thinking about where the flaws are in their arguments as wondering when they are going to lower the boom and just run me right over on this thing, and it doesn't matter what I say. Really, what I should do now is not deal with the substance of the matter; I should be laying down the groundwork to deal with the politics of him running over me.
That is very different. It's 180 degrees from all of us focusing on the same issue and trying to find a common cause solution. It's completely different. In my opinion, most of the government members, in their hearts, get that, the ones who are having to sit here and look us in the eye, who were part of two previous reports for which we proudly said we did this by consensus, only to find ourselves now not willing to go by consensus. We'd be under the threat constantly, in every debate, every discussion, once the government allowed everybody to have their say.
It's amazing. I've been around enough committee meetings to know, and Mr. Chair, you've chaired enough meetings to know, that when you do get entrenched, let's say, go out of this committee and into a committee where you're dealing with a particular bill such as one on transportation, a government bill, you can tell when the government has made up its mind what it's going to do. For the most part, it usually stops talking, because the only way you can move to a vote on committee is if everybody who wants to speak has done so and there are no more speakers. That's the only way to end debate, which, by the way, is also something that the government wants to get rid of and we would lose that. You'd be 10 minutes, 10 minutes. I don't understand fully how many times I'm supposed to take the floor on the 10 minutes. All I know is that there wouldn't be the right to take the floor and speak for your time. That would be gone.
All I'm saying is that you cannot expect that, all of a sudden, when we have done all this goodwill. I think we deserve some credit: we have not played politics with any of this. There's no evidence of it anywhere. I'd defy anybody to point to anything that either we or the Conservatives have done that was obstructionist or in any way meant to derail or delay the important work of this committee. I don't think that evidence exists, because that attitude didn't exist. We all agreed that the only things going into the report were things that we agreed on. Therefore, if you want to get a change in the report, what's your approach? You respectfully respond to your colleague, giving credit where credit is due to the points they're making, and then respectfully make a counterpoint and hope that they aren't just closing their mind and waiting until you're finished so they can talk but that they're actually listening.
My point to Mr. Badawey is that this is what we do. That's how we're able to get these reports on exactly the same kinds of issues we're dealing with today. It's not just a question of whether it's fair or not; it isn't. It's not just a question of whether this is consistent with what we have done in previous parliaments; it isn't. It's not even consistent with the way that we have worked in this Parliament, where we took pride in our reports being supported by everybody who was on the committee.
Look, one of the arguments the government makes is that when it's a matter of consensus, nothing gets agreed on, nothing ever gets done, nothing changes. There are two things: number one, we had a previous Parliament that got into this deeply. They did a deep dive, as they call it now, into this subject.
They're the ones who came back and said, look, we didn't get to agree on all the things we wanted to change; in fact, there were some things we thought should change but we couldn't recommend change because we can't agree on the language, but we still believe we are better off keeping that out of the report than jamming it in there and damaging how Parliament works. The government of the day forcing rule changes is not consistent with that harmonious approach.
We believed that right up until this thing happened three weeks ago. Then all of a sudden it's as if it's full stop, a back turn, and we're going that way now: “We don't need consensus.”
Batcar did it better; the Batmobile did it better, Scotty. We won't argue about 007; his was a great car too. Nothing, though, did a turn like the Batmobile. I mean, there's nothing like a bat turn—