Mr. Speaker, as a Montrealer from way back who represents Ahuntsic, a Montreal riding, I would like to talk about my city, the city of Montreal.
A number of years ago when I was still in elementary school, our teachers taught us, with barely disguised pride, that Montreal was Canada's metropolis. We were the residents of a city that was Canada's financial and banking centre. The port of Montreal was Canada's major port, handling goods from Ontario and the Prairie provinces and imports from Europe and Africa. Those were the good old days, but times have changed.
Montreal has now become this country's poverty capital. In the metropolitan area, 18.5 per cent of households live below the poverty line. And with the first Martin budget, Montreal has become the capital of despair. During the past ten years, poverty has been gaining ground, and not only undermining the moral of Montreal's residents but also their ability to face the major challenges it must overcome to be competitive on the market. Business arteries formerly crowded with shops, boutiques and markets, now show signs "for rent", "going out of business" or, tersely, "bankruptcy". I am not dramatizing at all. This is a fact of life in Montreal.
But what these shop windows tell us reflects only a fraction of the experience of Montreal residents. According to a study conducted by United Appeal to improve the way it targets funding to the neediest in the organization's territory, half the low-income residents surveyed in the United Appeal's territory live in the city of Montreal. Montreal Island has a poverty rate that is higher than the average rate for the greater United Appeal district, which also includes the suburbs. In Montreal, Montreal North, Verdun and Ville-Saint-Pierre, one resident out of three lives below the poverty line.
I may add, for the benefit of the Minister of Finance, that his own city and his own riding has been struck by poverty as well, since one resident out of four in Ville LaSalle lives below the poverty line.
This is the same minister who gave us a budget that, ostensibly to give the economy a boost, takes the money out of the pockets of those who need it most. They do not need the money to put into family trusts and save on their income tax or to compensate for the fact that they can no longer deduct their business lunches. They need the money for food, clothing, shelter and health care.
Not so long ago, when he was meditating on the opposition benches before becoming Minister of Finance, this is the same person-although he seems to have forgotten this, as we saw in his first budget-the same person responsible for the economic development of greater Montreal, who wrote in La Presse on June 8, 1992, in referring to Montreal: ``As the economic heartland and a major development force, the Montreal region must be given a boost very quickly, otherwise its economic decline will be that of Quebec as well''.
Why did the minister not introduce the kind of measures he proposed last June, which included upgrading or rebuilding infrastructures and a program for home renovation assistance, which, as he said quite accurately, generated jobs and would be very beneficial in an area like Montreal, with one of the highest tenancy rates in the country? Since the only existing renovation program, the Residential Rehabilitation Assistance Program, is intended not for tenants but for owner-occupants, one wonders who had the most powerful lobby.
Why did the same member, who is now the minister, not talk about creating super economic incubators and implementing a policy for renewal of growth sectors in the manufacturing industry in partnership with Quebec and the city of Montreal?
These are all former proposals made by the minister. Was it all just a fantasy? What happened to the promise he made with other Liberal candidates last October, a promise that included investing $250 million in research and development in Quebec, mostly in Montreal? What happened, since everyone agrees Quebec does not get its fair share of spending on research and development?
How could they promise such measures and many others it would take too long to mention, and not take concrete steps in the Budget, at a time when we are witnessing the pauperization of Montreal? And what are the consequences, in the near and not so near future, of a deteriorating financial situation in a city of 1.2 million with an unemployment rate that rose from 9.1 per cent in December 1989 to 13.8 per cent in December 1993, higher than the unemployment rate in St. John's, Newfoundland during the same period, or in Toronto, where the unemployment rate rose from 4.1 per cent in December 1989 to 11.5 per cent for the same period?
One of the more obvious signs of poverty is reflected in the housing situation, shelter being a very basic need and extremely important in a country like ours with its severe winters-some-
thing we can certainly see these days-like the winter we are going through, which may end some time this spring?
But seriously, the housing situation has been discussed many times in this House, and with good reason. It is a good way to assess the poverty level of a city or any other community. In the last census, we get a very good picture of the rental housing situation in Quebec and Canada. In Toronto, 62 per cent of all units requiring major repairs were occupied by tenants. In Montreal, the figure is about the same, that is, 59 per cent; it is 58 per cent for Ottawa-Hull and 54 per cent for Vancouver.
In Montreal, families in rental housing live in appalling conditions. One household out of three spends more than 30 per cent of its income on accommodation, and one household out of six spends more than 50 per cent. Nearly 20,000 people are considered homeless. According to the Montreal Municipal Housing Bureau, 10,000 households or about 20,000 people are on the waiting list. Most of the requests for low-cost housing come from seniors, single-parent families and people with disabilities, that is to say the most vulnerable segment of our society.
Last Tuesday, merely two hours before the budget speech, when I inquired about the lack of social housing, the Minister of Public Works, who is responsible for the Canada Mortgage and Housing Corporation, asked me to be patient, that I would have an opportunity to review the decisions of the Minister of Finance once he had delivered his budget. The fact of the matter is that there is nothing for social housing in that budget.
In Montreal, 63,280 households pay in excess of 50 per cent of their income in rent. That is about one tenant household in five, or 19.1 per cent. Montreal is the Canadian city with the highest number of tenant households paying over 50 per cent of their income in rent, with 19.1 per cent, as compared to 14.5 per cent in Ottawa and 16 per cent in Toronto.
One third of all tenant households forced to devote in excess of 50 per cent of their income to housing, or 194,225 households, live in Quebec, as compared to 583,705 in Canada. With a much larger population, Ontario has about the same number of households in the same predicament: 194,920 households, in a much larger population. There are 77,120 such households in British Columbia.
To complete this list of sad statistics showing the poverty level in Montreal, we must take a brief look at Montréal-Nord, a city represented by Mr. Nunez, the hon. member for Bourassa, a neighbouring riding. The level of poverty in Montréal-Nord is such that experts warn that it could turn into a social tinderbox. In Montréal-Nord, a very cosmopolitan city, 10,500 households, nearly 42 per cent of all tenant households, spend more than 30 per cent of their income on housing, while 22 per cent spend over 50 per cent. These figures reflect a completely absurd situation.
Again, it must be pointed out that, last October, the Minister of Finance, like the rest of the Liberal candidates, had promised to support co-ops and non-profit organizations involved in providing social housing.
At this point, I must quote statistics from the Co-operative Housing Federation of Canada. In 1992, there were 17,400 housing units in Quebec versus 35,000 in Ontario; 17,400 versus 35,000. These figures show once again that Quebec does not get its fair share. One out of two is certainly not a prorated share. This is no doubt another good example of the fairness of the federal system.
Why is it then that the Minister of Finance wrote a coalition of organizations involved in social housing and told them that it was up to the federal administration to ensure that over one million Canadian households have decent and affordable housing? I hope that our colleagues will ask questions about the RRAP program, so that we can cover that aspect as well.
How can a nation which calls itself civilized and boasts that it is the best in the world, as our friends have told us repeatedly, see the desperate situation some of its citizens, people just like you and me, are in because they are unable to find work or have lost their jobs and have us believe that taking $5.5 billion away from the unemployed over the next three years will help put Canada back to work? It is surrealistic. By failing to tackle the deficit directly by reducing duplication and overlap, of which we still do not fully appreciate the magnitude, failing to even impose minimum tax on large corporations and getting cold feet when it should cut federal operating expenditures, the government made the conscious decision to get the money it needed out of the pockets of the most vulnerable members of our society.
With the qualifying period for unemployment insurance benefits increased from 10 to 12 weeks, chances are that all those whose work is seasonal in nature, like farmers, fishermen, gardeners, waiters and waitresses, and summer camp workers, or do contract work, which is the only way for many young professionals to earn a living, will be greatly penalized. Again, the hardest hit by the measures introduced by the Minister of Finance will be the people who already have an employment problem.
Furthermore, beginning unemployment insurance reform before the vast consultation to identify the people's needs even begins will have a downright disastrous effect on the provinces' finances. These measures will put more people on welfare, at provincial expense; the provinces in turn will be forced to cut their programs as a result of the freeze on transfers to the provinces. Part of our deficit is being shifted to our neighbours,
while their funds to meet the resulting new needs are cut. The situation is most alarming. It is quite a program.
Just think that during the election campaign, the Liberal Party spoke only of employment and equity, and this budget provides no remedy for unemployment and poverty; it only offers short-term jobs, which we hope will last at least 12 weeks so that these workers qualify for unemployment insurance. It is clearly insufficient for restoring the dignity of people without work.
The unemployed, especially jobless women, seniors and the poor will pay the price for the Liberal government's social spending cuts. The Minister of Human Resources Development, whom I would call Mr. Axe, tells us that the social program review could lead to more cuts. What an indecent turnaround in the Liberals' social positions from the time they were in opposition until now, when they are in power. Unemployment insurance cuts lead to more people on welfare, the present Deputy Prime Minister said in 1992. Unemployment insurance cuts lead to more people on welfare! She was in the opposition then. If you raise your eyebrows, you can check the news on the French network of the CBC yesterday; it ran that newsclip.
These new cuts still mean shifting the deficit to the provinces. Freezing transfer payments costs the provinces $2 billion more. Montreal is seriously ill, but the Liberal government is still cutting a little more of the oxygen off from its disadvantaged population. We have to thank the Liberals for their generous program of collective impoverishment.