I was building up a good head of steam there.
It's the job of each of us--and in some ways we're torn by this--to serve as parliamentarians but also to serve as the representatives of the interests of our party. We do campaign as party members and not merely as independent candidates, Monsieur Mayrand being the notable exception to this rule. There is a reasonable expectation--our parties expect it, our whips expect it, and actually so do our voters--that we'll represent the point of view that our party presents, and that includes both public meetings and in camera meetings. Without having been there and without wanting to engage in suggestions that the other parties, or any member of the other parties, had done anything improper, I think it comes around to an explanation of why this came out this way.
What I'm getting at now is that we've had these court filings. The court filings are now public. They are highly relevant to the proceedings that are suggested. I'm at a loss, frankly, to figure out how we can proceed in a manner that is informed and intelligent. While I don't think our committee is well suited to dealing with these kinds of questions, I do think that it would do a better job of dealing with such questions if it had these documents before it.
What I would have proposed to the subcommittee, and what I would have proposed as well as an amendment to the report of the subcommittee, would have been a requirement that the hearings be carried out only when the relevant written documents that relate to the very question Madam Redman raised in her original motion had been placed before the committee. Failing that, it would be very difficult to ask informed questions or to assume that members of the committee were capable of having a full range of knowledge as to the issues at hand. I think you can see how we want to make sure all our hearings into this matter, when they proceed, will be well-informed, thoughtful hearings, and that they will be conducted by members who have all relevant documentation at their disposal.
I'll give you an example of the kinds of things that are shown in the affidavits I've seen, Mr. Chairman. In fact, they are publicly available at a website. What they show, among other things, is that there were regional media buys conducted, for example, in the Lower Mainland of British Columbia by the New Democratic Party. They were very similar to the ad buys that are being complained about, and have been complained about, by the Liberal members of this committee, in that they promoted the party. There were ad buys conducted in a number of places by the Liberal Party; one that comes to mind is in New Brunswick, where again something similar went on.
How one could proceed to have these discussions in the absence of this documentation and could hope to conduct impartial and non-arbitrary hearings is something I confess to having some difficulty in grasping, Mr. Chairman, so I would have made a very strong recommendation that we gather up those affidavits and the support documents.
There's a substantial amount of Elections Canada documentation, including some documentation that shows Elections Canada's interpretation of the relevant sections of the Canada Elections Act--the parts that deal with the content of advertising, and the parts that are therefore in dispute and are the subject of the motion that Madam Redman put forward. The interpretation has been changed and it's been changed in a manner that is deleterious to the interests of one party and is inconsistent with the manner in which it's been interpreted, both in previous elections and for the other parties.
I would have suggested to the subcommittee or to a Conservative member going to sit on the subcommittee that essentially we ensure that such documentation be provided. And once any member has looked at it, I think they would find it hard to disagree with me as to the merit of including the said documentation.
There are three affidavits being presented. One of them deals pretty extensively with the background material from Elections Canada and describes, in considerable detail, the rulings that had been used by Elections Canada in its interpretation of the relevant section up to the 2006 election. This goes back and looks at Elections Canada's practices, not merely in the 2006 and 2004 elections but in all prior elections, since the time of the passing of the relevant section of the act.
Another document demonstrates that this course of action, or this interpretation, was altered, but not altered until after the fact of the 2006 election.